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刻板印象：修订间差异

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[[File:18th century ethnography.jpg|thumb|一張十八世紀時荷蘭的圖畫，裡頭將亞洲、美洲及非洲的人描述成野蠻人，下方呈現的則分別是英國人、荷蘭人、德國人和法國人。]]
[[File:18th century ethnography.jpg|thumb|一張十八世紀時荷蘭的圖畫，裡頭將亞洲、美洲及非洲的人描述成野蠻人，下方呈現的則分別是英國人、荷蘭人、德國人和法國人。]]


'''刻板印象'''（亦稱'''印刻作用'''，{{lang-en|stereotype}}），是一個[[社會學]][[術語]]，專指[[人類]]對於某些特定類型人、事或物的一種概括的看法，看法可能是來自於同一類型的人事物之中的某一個個體給旁人的觀感。刻板印象通常是負面而[[先入為主]]的，並不能夠代表每個屬於這個類型的人事物都擁有這樣的特質；不過另一方面，雖然有一個對49個文化進行的研究顯示，民族性這種族群刻板印象，並不反映該社會成員的平均人格特質<ref>https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2775052/</ref>，但刻板印象有可能是準確的，一項研究顯示，一些種類的刻板印象有著中至高度的準確性<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://psyarxiv.com/beaq3/ |title=存档副本 |accessdate=2018-07-24 |archive-date=2020-12-19 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219023911/https://psyarxiv.com/beaq3/ |dead-url=no }}</ref>，而且一些研究和後續的研究，可能會一再證實某些刻板印象的準確性<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.spsp.org/news-center/blog/stereotype-accuracy-response |title=存档副本 |accessdate=2018-07-24 |archive-date=2020-11-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201121015022/https://www.spsp.org/news-center/blog/stereotype-accuracy-response |dead-url=no }}</ref>。
'''刻板印象'''（亦稱'''印刻作用'''，{{lang-en|stereotype}}），是一個[[社會學]][[術語]]，專指[[人類]]對於某些特定類型人、事或物的一種概括的看法，看法可能是來自於同一類型的人事物之中的某一個個體給旁人的觀感。刻板印象有分為正面以及負面的觀感有[[先入為主]]的觀念，並不能夠代表每個屬於這個類型的人事物都擁有這樣的特質；每個人從小教育的觀念以及生長環境也會影響人的觀念，當遇到類似或相同的事情則會以自己的經歷反映在某件事上，而造成意見有落差形成的刻板印象，不過另一方面，雖然有一個對49個文化進行的研究顯示，民族性這種族群刻板印象，並不反映該社會成員的平均人格特質<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2775052/ |title=存档副本 |access-date=2018-07-24 |archive-date=2021-12-11 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211211211014/https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2775052/ |dead-url=no }}</ref>，但刻板印象有可能是準確的，一項研究顯示，一些種類的刻板印象有著中至高度的準確性<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://psyarxiv.com/beaq3/ |title=存档副本 |accessdate=2018-07-24 |archive-date=2020-12-19 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201219023911/https://psyarxiv.com/beaq3/ |dead-url=no }}</ref>，而且一些研究和後續的研究，可能會一再證實某些刻板印象的準確性<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.spsp.org/news-center/blog/stereotype-accuracy-response |title=存档副本 |accessdate=2018-07-24 |archive-date=2020-11-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201121015022/https://www.spsp.org/news-center/blog/stereotype-accuracy-response |dead-url=no }}</ref>。

[[File:Cops in a Donut Shop 2011 Shankbone.jpg|thumb|在美國等北美國家，警察吃甜甜圈的形象已成了既定的刻板印象之一]]


== 概說 ==
== 概說 ==
刻板印象的來源大多是因為個人沒有足夠的時間去了解某個個體所致。例如說當我們看到長得魁梧、紋身，戴黑色[[太陽眼鏡]]、臉孔嚇人且穿著黑西裝的壯漢，很可能會將他誤認為[[黑社會]]人物。又例如某[[電影]]中，[[主角]]是一般社會大眾印象下的壞人，則判定該電影為「歌頌罪惡」的影片。刻板印象愛好者容易先把世事標籤化分類，再加以對目標物的種種現象[[歸納]]，支持其原先的刻板印象。例如一位正義英雄型人物因醉酒與自己伴侶以外的女性發生[[性行為]]，令對方[[懷孕]]並誕下[[私生子]]，應該是遭「奸人所害」。
刻板印象的來源大多是因為個人沒有足夠的時間去了解某個個體所致。例如說當我們看到長得魁梧、紋身，戴黑色[[太陽眼鏡]]、臉孔嚇人且穿著黑西裝的壯漢，很可能會將他誤認為[[黑社會]]人物。又例如某[[電影]]中，[[主角]]是一般社會大眾印象下的壞人，則判定該電影為「歌頌罪惡」的影片。刻板印象愛好者容易先把世事標籤化分類，再加以對目標物的種種現象[[歸納]]，支持其原先的刻板印象。例如一位正義英雄型人物因醉酒與自己伴侶以外的女性發生[[性行為]]，令對方[[懷孕]]並誕下[[私生子]]，應該是遭「奸人所害」。


刻板印象常常是相對負面的，不過刻板印象並非全是負面的，有些刻板印象是正面的，正面的刻板印象即所謂的「[[正面刻板印象]]」（Positive stereotype）。正面刻板印象可能造成正面或負面的影響。<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Czopp|first=Alexander M.|last2=Kay|first2=Aaron C.|last3=Cheryan|first3=Sapna|date=2015-07-01|title=Positive Stereotypes Are Pervasive and Powerful|journal=Perspectives on Psychological Science|language=en|volume=10|issue=4|pages=451–463|doi=10.1177/1745691615588091|issn=1745-6916|pmid=26177947}}</ref>
刻板印象一旦形成，若不客觀理解，則很難加以改變，亦可能造成同類型人的困擾。不過，出色的[[公共關係]]手法，可以改善當事人原先給標籤的刻板印象，創造出第二印象，[[社會心理學]]又稱之為「最後印象」，例如一位[[富翁]]一生對人對己都「節儉」，意想不到原來[[遺囑]]指定，將[[遺產]]全數捐贈作慈善，感動了法官。


刻板印象一旦形成，若不客觀理解，則很難加以改變，亦可能造成同類型人的困擾，即使是正面的刻板印象，如「亞洲人數理強」、「[[亞斯伯格症]]患者很擅長且適合搞[[電腦程式]]」等，都可能對當事人造成困擾和負面影響。<ref name=":0" />不過，出色的[[公共關係]]手法，可以改善當事人原先給標籤的刻板印象，創造出第二印象，[[社會心理學]]又稱之為「最後印象」，例如一位[[富翁]]一生對人對己都「節儉」，意想不到原來[[遺囑]]指定，將[[遺產]]全數捐贈作慈善，感動了法官。
刻板印象在某些[[專制]]社會、或[[民主制度]]較不發達的國家也容易為有心的政治人物、政黨、或他們的支持者所利用，例如透過各種管道（[[媒體]]、[[文宣]]等）普遍散佈敵對政治陣營的負面形象，或刻意宣揚有利於己身立場的事件，以便塑造本身陣營的正面刻板形象或敵方的負面刻板印象。{{OR}}

刻板印象在某些[[專制]]社會、或[[民主制度]]較不發達的國家也容易為有心的政治人物、政黨、或他們的支持者所利用，例如透過各種管道（[[媒體]]、[[宣傳]]等）普遍散佈敵對政治陣營的負面形象，或刻意宣揚有利於己身立場的事件，以便塑造本身陣營的正面刻板形象或敵方的負面刻板印象。{{OR}}


刻板印象在我們的生活中，表示於部分的、片面的、不正常的、不完全的。然而刻板印象代表[[內團體]](小圈子)對[[外團體]](其他團體)成員的普遍化概論。
刻板印象在我們的生活中，表示於部分的、片面的、不正常的、不完全的。然而刻板印象代表[[內團體]](小圈子)對[[外團體]](其他團體)成員的普遍化概論。

==外顯性==
===外顯的刻板印象===
外顯的刻板印象指的是人們有所認知且用以論斷他人的刻板印象，如果今天某甲對屬於某團體的某乙做出論斷，而某甲對於那團體有著一定的成見，那他多少能用有意識的控制來調和自己的決策偏見；然而，有意識地嘗試改變因偏見而形成的刻板印象、以達成不偏私的努力常會失敗，而這是因為人們常會低估或高估因為刻板印象而形成的偏見所致。

===內隱的刻板印象===
內隱的刻板印象指的是存在於一個人潛意識中、未被察覺到、不受控制的刻板印象。<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/faqs.html#faq1|title=Frequently Asked Questions|website=implicit.harvard.edu|access-date=14 April 2018|archive-date=2019-03-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190325230619/https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit/faqs.html#faq1}}</ref>

在社會心理學中，刻板印象指的是關於某類人或行為、且廣泛受認可的任何想法，而這種想法出現的目的，是為了要對這類人或行為所組成的群體給出一個作為整體的代表所致；<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)">{{cite book|title=Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups|last1=McGarty|first1=Craig|last2=Yzerbyt|first2=Vincent Y.|last3=Spears|first3=Russel|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|year=2002|isbn=978-0-521-80047-1|location=Cambridge|pages=1–15|chapter=Social, cultural and cognitive factors in stereotype formation|chapter-url=http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam033/2002073438.pdf|access-date=2022-03-04|archive-date=2017-02-11|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170211121334/http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam033/2002073438.pdf}}</ref>而這些想法可能準確地或不準確地反映事實。<ref name="Judd et al. (1993)">{{cite journal|last1=Judd|first1=Charles M.|last2=Park|first2=Bernadette|year=1993|title=Definition and assessment of accuracy in social stereotypes|url=https://archive.org/details/sim_psychological-review_1993-01_100_1/page/109|journal=[[Psychological Review]]|volume=100|issue=1|pages=109–128|doi=10.1037/0033-295X.100.1.109|pmid=8426877}}</ref><ref name="Cox et al. (2012)">{{cite journal|last1=Cox|first1=William T. L.|last2=Abramson|first2=Lyn Y.|last3=Devine|first3=Patricia G.|last4=Hollon|first4=Steven D.|year=2012|title=Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Depression: The Integrated Perspective|url=http://www.archpsychological.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/deprejudice-txng-dep-n-prejudice-w-tx-for-other.pdf|journal=[[Perspectives on Psychological Science]]|volume=7|issue=5|pages=427–449|doi=10.1177/1745691612455204|pmid=26168502|s2cid=1512121|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203003741/http://www.archpsychological.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/deprejudice-txng-dep-n-prejudice-w-tx-for-other.pdf|archive-date=3 December 2013}}</ref>在心理學以及其他領域中，有著多種不同的關於刻板印象的概念和理論，這些概念彼此有相似之處，也有相衝突之處；此外，即使在社會科學以及一些心理學的分支中，在像是對其他文化等不同團體做出假定時，刻板印象有時也有可能重現並在一些理論的框架中得到識別。<ref name="Chakkarath, P. (2010)">{{cite journal|last1=Chakkarath|first1=Pradeep|year=2010|title=Stereotypes in social psychology: The 'West-East' differentiation as a reflection of Western traditions of thought|url=https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/58094|journal=[[Psychological Studies]]|volume=55|issue=1|pages=18–25|doi=10.1007/s12646-010-0002-9|s2cid=144061506|access-date=2022-03-04|archive-date=2022-05-12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220512085414/https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/handle/document/58094}}</ref>

==與其他團體間態度的關聯==
一般認為，[[刻板印象]]、[[偏見]]、[[種族主義]]和[[歧視]]等<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://money.cnn.com/2015/11/25/news/economy/racial-discrimination-work/index.html|title=Working while brown: What discrimination looks like now|last=Vega|first=Tanzina|work=CNNMoney|access-date=26 March 2018|archive-date=2022-05-12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220512085420/https://money.cnn.com/2015/11/25/news/economy/racial-discrimination-work/index.html}}</ref>是彼此相關但不同的概念，<ref name="Fiske1998">{{cite book |last1= Fiske |first1= Susan T. |editor-first= Daniel T. |editor-last= Gilbert |editor2-first= Susan T. |editor2-last= Fiske |editor3-first= Gardner |editor3-last= Lindzey |title= The Handbook of Social Psychology |edition= 4th |volume= Two |year= 1998 |publisher= [[McGraw-Hill]] |location= Boston, Mass. |isbn= 978-0-19-521376-8 |page= 357 |chapter= Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=w27pSuHLnLYC&pg=PA357 |access-date= 2022-03-04 |archive-date= 2022-06-06 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20220606020908/https://books.google.com/books?id=w27pSuHLnLYC&pg=PA357 }}</ref><ref name="Denmark">{{cite book |last1= Denmark |first1= Florence L. |editor1-first= Irving B. |editor1-last= Weiner |editor2-first= W. Edward |editor2-last= Craigheaid |title= The Corsini Encyclopedia of Psychology |edition= 4th |volume= Three |year= 2010 |publisher= [[John Wiley & Sons|John Wiley]] |location= Hoboken, N.J. |isbn= 978-0-470-47921-6 |page= 1277 |chapter= Prejudice and Discrimination |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=hhGdag3Wf-YC&pg=PA1276 |access-date= 2022-03-04 |archive-date= 2022-06-06 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20220606020915/https://books.google.com/books?id=hhGdag3Wf-YC&pg=PA1276 }}</ref><ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/><ref name="Oakes et al. (1994)"/>在這其中，刻板印象常被認為是最認知性的成分，且常常在無意識的狀況下出現；偏見則更多是刻板印象的情感性成分；而歧視則是偏見回應的行為成分。<ref name="Fiske1998"/><ref name="Denmark"/><ref name="faculty.washington.edu">{{cite journal |last1= Devine |first1= Patricia G. |year= 1989 |title= Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 56 |issue= 1 |pages= 5–18 |url= https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229067921_Stereotypes_and_Prejudice_Their_Automatic_and_Controlled_Components |access-date= 2022-03-04 |archive-date= 2022-05-13 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20220513130653/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229067921_Stereotypes_and_Prejudice_Their_Automatic_and_Controlled_Components }}</ref>在這種族群間態度的三分觀點中，刻板印象反映了對歸屬不同團體的成員的預期與信念；偏見則反映了對此的情緒反應；而歧視則反映了行為。<ref name="Fiske1998"/><ref name="Denmark"/>

盡管刻板印象、偏見、和歧視相關，這三者可獨立於彼此存在，<ref name="Denmark"/><ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/>根據丹尼爾·卡茨（Daniel Katz）和肯尼斯·布拉利（Kenneth Braly）的研究，在人們對團體的名字出現情緒性反應、將特質賦予團體成員並評估這些特質時，刻板印象可導致對種族的偏見。<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/>

以下為刻板印象可能帶來的偏見效應：<ref name="Cox et al. (2012)"/>
* 合理化欠缺基礎的偏見或忽視
* 不願重新思考自己的態度和行為
* 阻止一些受刻板印象影響的團體的成員參與某些活動或領域，或在這些活動或領域中獲得成功。<ref name=Tilcsik>{{cite journal |last1= Tilcsik |first1= András |year= 2011 |title= Pride and Prejudice: Employment Discrimination against Openly Gay Men in the United States |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_american-journal-of-sociology_2011-09_117_2/page/586 |journal= [[American Journal of Sociology]] |volume= 117 |issue= 2 |pages= 586–626 |doi= 10.1086/661653 |pmid=22268247|hdl= 1807/34998 |s2cid= 23542996 }}</ref>

==情境==
[[File:Mixed stereotype content model (Fiske et al.).png|thumb|{{link-en|Susan Fiske|}}等人2002年發表的《根據感受溫暖與競爭力而來的四大類刻板印象》（Four types of stereotypes resulting from combinations of perceived warmth and competence）一文的{{link-en|刻板印象情境模型|Stereotype content model}}。|upright=1.3]]

刻板印象的情境指稱人們對一個團體的特性的想法的屬性，對刻板印象的研究通常關注人們對他人的想法，而非刻板印象背後的理由與機制。<ref name="operario&fiske">{{cite book |last1= Operario |first1= Don |last2= Fiske |first2= Susan T. |editor1-first= Rupert |editor1-last= Brown |editor2-first= Samuel L |editor2-last= Gaertner |title= Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes |year= 2003 |publisher= [[Wiley-Blackwell|Blackwell]] |location= Malden, MA |isbn= 978-1-4051-0654-2 |pages= 22–44 |chapter= Stereotypes: Content, Structures, Processes, and Context |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=Wfx55Z-Dw10C&pg=PA22 }}</ref>

[[高爾頓·威拉德·奧爾波特]]等人提出的早期對刻板印象的理論假定說刻板印象必然是對[[內團體與外團體|外團體]]的[[反感]]而形成的，<ref name="fiske et al. 2002">{{cite journal |last1= Fiske |first1= Susan T. |last2= Cuddy |first2= Amy J. C. |last3= Glick |first3= Peter |last4= Xu |first4= Jun |year= 2002 |title= A Model of (Often Mixed) Stereotype Content: Competence and Warmth Respectively Follow From Perceived Status and Competition |journal= [[Journal of Personality and Social Psychology]] |volume= 82 |issue= 6 |pages= 878–902 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.82.6.878 |url= http://www.cos.gatech.edu/facultyres/Diversity_Studies/Fiske_StereotypeContent.pdf |pmid= 12051578 |citeseerx= 10.1.1.320.4001 |access-date= 2022-03-04 |archive-date= 2019-04-02 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20190402162902/https://cos.gatech.edu/facultyres/Diversity_Studies/Fiske_StereotypeContent.pdf |dead-url= no }}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite book |last1= Cuddy |first1= Amy J. C. |last2= Fiske |first2= Susan T. |editor1-first= Todd D |editor1-last= Nelson |title= Ageism: Stereotyping and Prejudice against Older Persons |year= 2002 |publisher= [[MIT Press]] |location= Cambridge, Mass. |isbn= 978-0-262-14077-5 |pages= 7–8 |chapter= Doddering But Dear: Process, Content, and Function in Stereotyping of Older Persons |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=UvxEoFQ0LYwC&pg=PA7 }}</ref>像例如卡茨（Katz）和布拉利（Braly）在其1933年做的經典研究中聲稱種族刻板印象必然是負面的。<ref name="operario&fiske"/>

然而，更近期的{{link-en|刻板印象情境模型|Stereotype content model|刻板印象模型}}認為，刻板印象未必是負面的，且不同刻板印象會在「溫暖」（warmth）和「競爭力」（competence）這兩個向度上有所不同，而溫暖和競爭力這兩者分別與缺乏[[競爭]]與[[社會地位]]有關。不與自身所屬的內團體競爭相同資源（像例如大學空間）的團體被認為是溫暖的；而地位高的團體（像是經濟或教育上成功的團體）則被認為是有競爭力的。而外團體根據其在溫暖與競爭力高低，會引發不同的情感。<ref>{{cite book |last1= Dovidio |first1= John F. |last2= Gaertner |first2= Samuel L. |editor1-first= Fiske |editor1-last= Susan T. |editor2-first= Daniel T. |editor2-last= Gilbert |editor3-first= Gardner |editor3-last= Lindzey |title= Handbook of Social Psychology |edition= 5th |volume= Two |year= 2010 |publisher= John Wiley |location= Hooboken, N.J. |isbn= 978-0-470-13747-5 |page= [https://archive.org/details/handbookofsocial5ed2unse/page/1085 1085] |chapter= Intergroup Bias |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=Pye5IkCFgRYC&pg=PA1085 |url= https://archive.org/details/handbookofsocial5ed2unse/page/1085 }}</ref>這模型解釋了說為何一些外團體被讚賞但不被喜愛；而其他的一些外團體被喜愛但不受尊敬。這模型已在多個國家與國際樣本上受到實證檢驗，且能可靠地預測刻板印象的情境。<ref name="fiske et al. 2002"/><ref>{{cite journal |last1= Cuddy |first1= Amy J. C. |year= 2009 |title= Stereotype content model across cultures: Towards universal similarities and some differences |journal= [[British Journal of Social Psychology]] |volume= 48 |issue= 1 |pages= 1–33 |doi= 10.1348/014466608X314935 |pmid= 19178758 |url= http://www.people.hbs.edu/acuddy/2009,%20cuddy%20et%20al.,%20BJSP.pdf |display-authors= etal |pmc= 3912751 |access-date= 2022-03-04 |archive-date= 2018-07-12 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20180712224156/http://www.people.hbs.edu/acuddy/2009,%20cuddy%20et%20al.,%20BJSP.pdf |dead-url= no }}</ref>

==功能==
早期的研究認為刻板印象只為死板、壓抑且專制的人所使用，但這主意已受到當代研究否定，當代研究認為刻板印象已經相當普遍，且刻板印象是團體的集體信仰，也就是說屬於同樣社會團體的人會有著相同的刻板印象。<ref name="Tajfel (1981)">{{cite book |last1= Tajfel |first1= Henri |editor1-first= John C. |editor1-last= Turner |editor2-first= Howard |editor2-last= Giles |title= Intergroup behaviour |year= 1981 |publisher= [[Wiley-Blackwell|Blackwell]] |location= Oxford |isbn= 978-0-631-11711-7 |pages= 144–167 |chapter= Social stereotypes and social groups }}</ref>

現代的研究認為要徹底了解刻板印象，就要了解兩個彼此互補的認知，也就是在特定文化或次文化團體內部共享的想法，和在個人心中形成的想法。<ref>Macrae CN, Stangor C, Hewstone M. (eds.) "Stereotypes and stereotyping." 1995, p. 4</ref>

===認知與社會功能間的關係===
刻板印象在人際關係中有認知功能，在團體關係中也有社會功能；<ref name="Cox et al. (2012)"/><ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/>若要刻板印象 發揮其社會功能，一個人必須先認同自己是團體的成員，而作為團體成員的事實也必須是這人重要的一部分。<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/>克雷格·麥葛提（Craig McGarty）、羅素·斯皮爾斯（Russell Spears）和樊尚·伊澤拜（Vincent Y. Yzerbyt）等人在2002年指出，刻板印象的認知功能和社會功能最好以其彼此間的關係來理解。<ref name="McGarty Spears et al. (2002)">{{cite book |last1= McGarty |first1= Craig |last3= Yzerbyt |first3= Vincent Y. |last2= Spears | first2= Russel |title= Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups |url= https://archive.org/details/stereotypesasexp00mcga |url-access= limited |year= 2002 |publisher= Cambridge University Press |location= Cambridge |isbn= 978-0-521-80047-1 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/stereotypesasexp00mcga/page/n197 186]–199|chapter= Conclusion: stereotypes are selective, variable and contested explanations }}</ref>
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===認知功能===
刻板印象可幫助人們合理化世間的現象，這是一種將事物簡化並系統化分類的作法，而藉由這種作法，人們可更加輕易地辨別、回想、預測資訊，並做出適當地回應。<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/>刻板印象乃是對人與事物的分類，分屬不同刻板印象的人與事物會盡量地被視為是不同的；<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/>而分屬相同刻板印象的人與事物會盡量地被視為是相近的。<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/>

[[Gordon Allport]] has suggested possible answers to why people find it easier to understand categorized information.<ref name="Allport (1954)">{{cite book |title= The Nature of Prejudice |last= Allport |first= Gordon W. |author-link= Gordon Allport |year= 1954 |publisher= [[Addison-Wesley]] |location= Cambridge, MA |isbn= 978-0-201-00175-4 |page= [https://archive.org/details/natureofprejudic00gord/page/189 189] |url=https://archive.org/details/natureofprejudic00gord|url-access= registration }}</ref> First, people can consult a category to identify response patterns. Second, categorized information is more specific than non-categorized information, as categorization accentuates properties that are shared by all members of a group. Third, people can readily describe objects in a category because objects in the same category have distinct characteristics. Finally, people can take for granted the characteristics of a particular category because the category itself may be an arbitrary grouping.

A complementary perspective theorizes how stereotypes function as time- and energy-savers that allow people to act more efficiently.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> Yet another perspective suggests that stereotypes are people's biased perceptions of their social contexts.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> In this view, people use stereotypes as shortcuts to make sense of their social contexts, and this makes a person's task of understanding his or her world less cognitively demanding.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/>

===社會功能===
====社會分類====
In the following situations, the overarching purpose of stereotyping is for people to put their collective self (their in-group membership) in a positive light:<ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)">Haslam, S. A., Turner, J. C., Oakes, P. J., Reynolds, K. J., & Doosje, B. (2002). From personal pictures in the head to collective tools in the word: how shared stereotypes allow groups to represent and change social reality. In C. McGarty, V. Y. Yzerbyt, & R. Spears (Eds.). Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups (pp. 157–185). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref>
* when stereotypes are used for explaining social events
* when stereotypes are used for justifying activities of one's own group ([[ingroups and outgroups|ingroup]]) to another group ([[ingroups and outgroups|outgroup]])
* when stereotypes are used for differentiating the ingroup as positively distinct from outgroups

=====解釋目的=====
[[File:Antisemitic caricature 1873.jpg|thumb|left|An [[Antisemitism|anti-semitic]] 1873 caricature depicting the stereotypical physical features of a Jewish male.]]

As mentioned previously, stereotypes can be used to explain social events.<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/><ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/> [[Henri Tajfel]]<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/> described his observations of how some people found that the anti-Semitic fabricated contents of [[The Protocols of the Elders of Zion]] only made sense if Jews have certain characteristics. Therefore, according to Tajfel,<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/> Jews were stereotyped as being evil and yearning for world domination to match the anti-Semitic "facts" as presented in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

=====合理化目的=====
People create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the actions that their in-group has committed (or plans to commit) towards that outgroup.<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/><ref name="Allport (1954)"/><ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/> For example, according to Tajfel,<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/> Europeans stereotyped African, Indian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achieving financial advances without European help. This stereotype was used to justify European colonialism in Africa, India, and China.

=====區別不同族群=====
An assumption is that people want their ingroup to have a positive image relative to outgroups, and so people want to differentiate their ingroup from relevant outgroups in a desirable way.<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/> If an outgroup does not affect the ingroup's image, then from an image preservation point of view, there is no point for the ingroup to be positively distinct from that outgroup.<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/>

People can actively create certain images for relevant outgroups by stereotyping. People do so when they see that their ingroup is no longer as clearly and/or as positively differentiated from relevant outgroups, and they want to restore the intergroup differentiation to a state that favours the ingroup.<ref name="Tajfel (1981)"/><ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/>

====自我分類====
Stereotypes can emphasize a person's group membership in two steps: Stereotypes emphasize the person's similarities with ingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also the person's differences from outgroup members on relevant dimensions.<ref name=":1" /> People change the stereotype of their ingroups and outgroups to suit context.<ref name=":1" /> Once an outgroup treats an ingroup member badly, they are more drawn to the members of their own group.<ref>{{cite journal | doi = 10.1080/15298868.2012.712753 | volume=12 | title=Comparing Self-stereotyping with In-group-stereotyping and Out-group-stereotyping in Unequal-status Groups: The Case of Gender | year=2013 | journal=Self and Identity | pages=582–596 | last1 = Cadinu | first1 = Mara | last2 = Latrofa | first2 = Marcella | last3 = Carnaghi | first3 = Andrea| issue=6 | s2cid=145053003 }}</ref> This can be seen as members within a group are able to relate to each other though a stereotype because of identical situations. A person can embrace a stereotype to avoid humiliation such as failing a task and blaming it on a stereotype.<ref>{{cite journal | doi = 10.1016/j.jesp.2007.01.008 | volume=44 | title=Endorsing a negative in-group stereotype as a self-protective strategy: Sacrificing the group to save the self | year=2008 | journal=Journal of Experimental Social Psychology | pages=37–49 | last1 = Burkley | first1 = Melissa | last2 = Blanton | first2 = Hart}}</ref>

====社會影響與共識====
Stereotypes are an indicator of ingroup consensus.<ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/> When there are intragroup disagreements over stereotypes of the ingroup and/or outgroups, ingroup members take collective action to prevent other ingroup members from diverging from each other.<ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/>

John C. Turner proposed in 1987<ref name="Haslam et al. (2002)"/> that if ingroup members disagree on an outgroup stereotype, then one of three possible collective actions follow: First, ingroup members may negotiate with each other and conclude that they have different outgroup stereotypes because they are stereotyping different subgroups of an outgroup (e.g., Russian gymnasts versus Russian boxers). Second, ingroup members may negotiate with each other, but conclude that they are disagreeing because of categorical differences amongst themselves. Accordingly, in this context, it is better to categorise ingroup members under different categories (e.g., Democrats versus Republican) than under a shared category (e.g., American). Finally, ingroup members may influence each other to arrive at a common outgroup stereotype.
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==形成==
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Different disciplines give different accounts of how stereotypes develop: Psychologists may focus on an individual's experience with groups, patterns of communication about those groups, and intergroup conflict. As for sociologists, they may focus on the relations among different groups in a social structure. They suggest that stereotypes are the result of conflict, poor parenting, and inadequate mental and emotional development. Once stereotypes have formed, there are two main factors that explain their persistence. First, the cognitive effects of schematic processing (see [[schema (psychology)|schema]]) make it so that when a member of a group behaves as we expect, the behavior confirms and even strengthens existing stereotypes. Second, the affective or emotional aspects of prejudice render logical arguments against stereotypes ineffective in countering the power of emotional responses.<ref>Aronson, E., Wilson, T. D., & Akert, R. M. (2010). Social Psychology (7th edition). New York: Pearson.</ref>

===Correspondence bias===
{{Main|Correspondence bias}}
''Correspondence bias'' refers to the tendency to ascribe a person's behavior to [[disposition]] or personality, and to underestimate the extent to which situational factors elicited the behavior. Correspondence bias can play an important role in stereotype formation.<ref>{{Cite book |last1= Mackie |first1= Diane M. |last2= Hamilton |first2= David L. |last3= Susskind |first3= Joshua |last4= Rosselli |first4= Francine |editor1-first= C. Neil |editor1-last= MacRae |editor2-first= Charles |editor2-last= Stangor |editor3-first= Miles |editor3-last = Hewstone |title= Stereotypes and Stereotyping |year = 1996 |publisher= Guilford Press |location= New York |isbn= 978-1-57230-053-8 |pages= 48–49 |chapter= Social Psychological Foundations of Stereotype Formation |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=o2EVqBMpJDEC&pg=PA48 }}</ref>

For example, in a study by Roguer and Yzerbyt (1999) participants watched a video showing students who were randomly instructed to find arguments either for or against [[euthanasia]]. The students that argued in favor of euthanasia came from the same law department or from different departments. Results showed that participants attributed the students' responses to their attitudes although it had been made clear in the video that students had no choice about their position. Participants reported that group membership, i.e., the department that the students belonged to, affected the students' opinions about euthanasia. Law students were perceived to be more in favor of euthanasia than students from different departments despite the fact that a pretest had revealed that subjects had no preexisting expectations about attitudes toward euthanasia and the department that students belong to. The attribution error created the new stereotype that law students are more likely to support euthanasia.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Rogier |first1= Anouk |last2= Yzerbyt |first2= Vincent |title= Social attribution, correspondence bias, and the emergence of stereotypes |year= 1999 |journal= Swiss Journal of Psychology |volume= 58 |issue= 4 |pages= 233–240 |doi= 10.1024//1421-0185.58.4.233 |url= http://www.psor.ucl.ac.be/personal/yzerbyt/Rogier%20&%20Yzerbyt%20SJP%201999.pdf |access-date= 5 April 2013 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20130729071003/http://www.psor.ucl.ac.be/personal/yzerbyt/Rogier%20%26%20Yzerbyt%20SJP%201999.pdf |archive-date= 29 July 2013 |url-status= dead}}</ref>

Nier et al. (2012) found that people who tend to draw dispositional inferences from behavior and ignore situational constraints are more likely to stereotype low-status groups as incompetent and high-status groups as competent. Participants listened to descriptions of two fictitious groups of [[Pacific Islander]]s, one of which was described as being higher in status than the other. In a second study, subjects rated actual groups&nbsp;– the poor and wealthy, women and men – in the United States in terms of their competence. Subjects who scored high on the measure of correspondence bias stereotyped the poor, women, and the fictitious lower-status Pacific Islanders as incompetent whereas they stereotyped the wealthy, men, and the high-status Pacific Islanders as competent. The correspondence bias was a significant predictor of stereotyping even after controlling for other measures that have been linked to beliefs about low status groups, the [[just-world hypothesis]] and [[social dominance orientation]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Nier |first1= Jason A. |last2= Bajaj |first2= Priya |last3= McLean |first3= Meghan C. |last4= Schwartz |first4= Elizabeth |title= Group status, perceptions of agency, and the correspondence bias: Attributional processes in the formation of stereotypes about high and low status groups |year= 2012 |journal= [[Group Processes & Intergroup Relations]] |volume= 16|issue= 4|pages= 1–12 |doi= 10.1177/1368430212454925 |s2cid= 145399213 }}</ref>

Based on the anti-public sector bias,<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Marvel|first=John D.|date=2015-01-30|title=Unconscious Bias in Citizens' Evaluations of Public Sector Performance|journal=Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory|pages=muu053|doi=10.1093/jopart/muu053|issn=1053-1858|doi-access=free}}</ref> Döring and Willems (2021)<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Döring|first1=Matthias|last2=Willems|first2=Jurgen|date=2021-09-22|title=Processing stereotypes: professionalism confirmed or disconfirmed by sector affiliation?|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/10967494.2021.1971125|journal=International Public Management Journal|pages=1–19|doi=10.1080/10967494.2021.1971125|s2cid=239261451|issn=1096-7494}}</ref> found that employees in the public sector are considered as less professional compared to employees in the private sector. They build on the assumption that the [[Red tape|red-tape]] and bureaucratic nature of the public sector spills over in the perception that citizens have about the employees working in the sector. With an experimental vignette study, they analyze how citizens process information on employees' sector affiliation, and integrate non-work role-referencing to test the stereotype confirmation assumption underlying the [[representativeness heuristic]]. The results show that sector as well as non-work role-referencing influences perceived employee professionalism but has little effect on the confirmation of particular public sector stereotypes.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Willems|first=Jurgen|date=2020|title=Public servant stereotypes: It is not (at) all about being lazy, greedy and corrupt|url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/padm.12686|journal=Public Administration|language=en|volume=98|issue=4|pages=807–823|doi=10.1111/padm.12686|s2cid=221760839|issn=1467-9299}}</ref> Moreover, the results do not confirm a congruity effect of consistent stereotypical information: non-work role-referencing does not aggravate the negative effect of sector affiliation on perceived employee professionalism.

===Illusory correlation===
{{main|Illusory correlation}}
Research has shown that stereotypes can develop based on a cognitive mechanism known as illusory correlation&nbsp;– an erroneous inference about the relationship between two events.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/><ref name="mullen&johnson">{{cite journal |last1= Mullen |first1= Brian |last2= Johnson |first2= Craig |year= 1990 |title= Distinctiveness-based illusory correlations and stereotyping: A meta-analytic integration |journal= [[British Journal of Social Psychology]] |volume= 29 |issue= 1 |pages= 11–28 |doi= 10.1111/j.2044-8309.1990.tb00883.x }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Meiser |first1= Thorsten |editor1-first= Klaus |editor1-last= Fiedler |editor2-first= Peter |editor2-last= Justin |title= Information Sampling and Adaptive Cognition |year= 2006 |publisher= Cambridge University Press |location= Cambridge |isbn= 978-0-521-83159-8 |pages= 183–209 |chapter= Contingency Learning and Biased Group Impressions |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=RMZL_2H8A4kC&pg=PA183}}</ref> If two statistically infrequent events co-occur, observers overestimate the frequency of co-occurrence of these events. The underlying reason is that rare, infrequent events are distinctive and [[Salience (neuroscience)|salient]] and, when paired, become even more so. The heightened salience results in more attention and more effective [[Encoding (memory)|encoding]], which strengthens the belief that the events are [[Correlation|correlated]].<ref name="hamilton&gifford">{{cite journal |last1= Hamilton |first1= David L. |last2= Gifford |first2= Robert K. |year= 1976 |title= Illusory correlation in interpersonal perception: A cognitive basis of stereotypic judgments |journal= [[Journal of Experimental Social Psychology]] |volume= 12 |issue= 4 |pages= 392–407 |doi= 10.1016/S0022-1031(76)80006-6 }}</ref><ref name="Berndsen et al. (2002)">{{cite book |last1= Berndsen |first1= Mariëtte |last2= Spears |first2= Russel |last3= van der Pligt |first3= Joop |last4= McGarty |first4= Craig |editor1-last= McGarty |editor1-first= Craig |editor2-last= Yzerbyt |editor2-first= Vincent Y. |editor3-last= Spears |editor3-first= Russel |title= Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups |year= 2002 |publisher= Cambridge University Press |location= Cambridge |isbn= 978-0-521-80047-1 |pages= 90–110|chapter= Illusory correlation and stereotype formation: making sense of group differences and cognitive biases |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=dkn8dceHRg8C&pg=PA90 }}</ref><ref name="stroessner&plaks">{{Cite book |last1= Stroessner |first1= Steven J. |last2= Plaks |first2= Jason E. |chapter= Illusory Correlation and Stereotype Formation: Tracing the Arc of Research Over a Quarter Century |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=DE-cJ8F4rSMC&pg=PA247 |pages= 247–259 |editor-first= Gordon B. |editor-last= Moskowitz |title= Cognitive Social Psychology: The Princeton Symposium on the Legacy and Future of Social Cognition |publisher= Lawrence Erlbaum Associates |location= Mahwah, N.J. |year= 2001 |isbn= 978-0-8058-3414-7 }}</ref>

In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead people to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher rates to [[minority group]] members than to majority groups, even when both display the same proportion of the behaviors or traits. [[Black people]], for instance, are a minority group in the [[United States]] and interaction with blacks is a relatively infrequent event for an average [[white American]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Ajrouch|first1=Kristine J.|last2=Antonucci|first2=Toni C.|last3=Janevic|first3=Mary R.|date=1 March 2001|title=Social Networks Among Blacks and Whites: The Interaction Between Race and Age|journal=The Journals of Gerontology|volume=56|issue=2|pages=S112–S118|doi=10.1093/geronb/56.2.S112|pmid=11245365|doi-access=free}}</ref> Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. [[crime]]) is statistically less frequent than desirable behavior. Since both events "blackness" and "undesirable behavior" are distinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the combination of the two leads observers to overestimate the rate of co-occurrence.<ref name="hamilton&gifford"/> Similarly, in workplaces where women are underrepresented and negative behaviors such as errors occur less frequently than positive behaviors, women become more strongly associated with mistakes than men.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Moskowitz |first1= Gordon B. |author-link1= Gordon Moskowitz |title= Social Cognition: Understanding Self and Others |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=_-NLW8Ynvp8C&pg=PA182 |year= 2005 |publisher= [[Guilford Press]] |location= New York |isbn= 978-1-59385-085-2 |page= 182 }}</ref>

In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gifford (1976) examined the role of illusory correlation in stereotype formation. Subjects were instructed to read descriptions of behaviors performed by members of groups A and B. Negative behaviors outnumbered positive actions and group B was smaller than group A, making negative behaviors and membership in group B relatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants were then asked who had performed a set of actions: a person of group A or group B. Results showed that subjects overestimated the frequency with which both distinctive events, membership in group B and negative behavior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more negatively. This despite the fact the proportion of positive to negative behaviors was equivalent for both groups and that there was no actual correlation between group membership and behaviors.<ref name="hamilton&gifford"/> Although Hamilton and Gifford found a similar effect for positive behaviors as the infrequent events, a [[Meta-analysis|meta-analytic]] review of studies showed that illusory correlation effects are stronger when the infrequent, distinctive information is negative.<ref name="mullen&johnson"/>

Hamilton and Gifford's distinctiveness-based explanation of stereotype formation was subsequently extended.<ref name="Berndsen et al. (2002)"/> A 1994 study by McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton found that people formed stereotypes based on information that was not distinctive at the time of presentation, but was considered distinctive at the time of judgement.<ref name="McConnell et al. (1994)"/> Once a person judges non-distinctive information in memory to be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and re-represented as if it had been distinctive when it was first processed.<ref name="McConnell et al. (1994)"/>

===Common environment===
One explanation for why stereotypes are shared is that they are the result of a common environment that stimulates people to react in the same way.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/>

The problem with the 'common environment' is that explanation in general is that it does not explain how shared stereotypes can occur without direct stimuli.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> Research since the 1930s suggested that people are highly similar with each other in how they describe different racial and national groups, although those people have no personal experience with the groups they are describing.<ref name="Katz & Braly (1933)"/>

===Socialization and upbringing===
Another explanation says that people are [[Socialisation|socialised]] to adopt the same stereotypes.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> Some psychologists believe that although stereotypes can be absorbed at any age, stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under the influence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media.

If stereotypes are defined by social values, then stereotypes only change as per changes in social values.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> The suggestion that stereotype content depends on social values reflects [[Walter Lippman]]'s argument in his 1922 publication that stereotypes are rigid because they cannot be changed at will.<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/>

Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestion that stereotype contents cannot be changed at will. Those studies suggested that one group's stereotype of another group would become more or less positive depending on whether their [[intergroup relations]]hip had improved or degraded.<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/><ref name="Meenes (1943)">{{cite journal |last1= Meenes |first1= Max |year= 1943 |title= A Comparison of Racial Stereotypes of 1935 and 1942 |journal= [[Journal of Social Psychology]] |volume= 17 |issue= 2 |pages= 327–336 |doi= 10.1080/00224545.1943.9712287 }}</ref><ref name="Haslam et al. (1992)">{{cite journal |last1= Haslam |first1= S. Alexander |last2= Turner |first2= John C. |last3= Oakes |first3= Penelope J. |last4= McGarty |first4= Craig |last5= Hayes |first5= Brett K. |year= 1992 |title= Context-dependent variation in social stereotyping 1: The effects of intergroup relations as mediated by social change and frame of reference |journal= European Journal of Social Psychology |volume= 22 |issue= 1 |pages= 3–20 |doi= 10.1002/ejsp.2420220104 }}</ref> Intergroup events (e.g., [[World War II]], [[Gulf War (disambiguation)|Persian Gulf conflicts]]) often changed intergroup relationships. For example, after WWII, Black American students held a more negative stereotype of people from countries that were the United States's [[Axis powers|WWII enemies]].<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/> If there are no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevant stereotypes do not change.<ref name="Oakes et al. (1994)"/>

===Intergroup relations===
According to a third explanation, shared stereotypes are neither caused by the coincidence of common stimuli, nor by socialisation. This explanation posits that stereotypes are shared because group members are motivated to behave in certain ways, and stereotypes reflect those behaviours.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> It is important to note from this explanation that stereotypes are the consequence, not the cause, of [[intergroup relations]]. This explanation assumes that when it is important for people to acknowledge both their ingroup and outgroup, they will emphasise their difference from outgroup members, and their similarity to ingroup members.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> International migration creates more opportunities for intergroup relations, but the interactions do not always disconfirm stereotypes. They are also known to form and maintain them.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Palmer|first=Wayne|year=2019|title=International Migration and Stereotype Formation: Indonesian Migrants in Hong Kong|journal=Journal of International Migration and Integration|language=en|volume=21|issue=3|pages=731–744|doi=10.1007/s12134-019-00680-1|s2cid=195363006|issn=1488-3473}}</ref>
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==實行==
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The dual-process model of cognitive processing of stereotypes asserts that automatic activation of stereotypes is followed by a controlled processing stage, during which an individual may choose to disregard or ignore the stereotyped information that has been brought to mind.<ref name="faculty.washington.edu"/>

A number of studies have found that stereotypes are activated automatically. [[Patricia Devine]] (1989), for example, suggested that stereotypes are automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of a stereotyped group and that the unintentional activation of the stereotype is equally strong for high- and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the cultural stereotype of blacks were presented [[Subliminal stimuli|subliminally]]. During an ostensibly unrelated [[Impression formation|impression-formation]] task, subjects read a paragraph describing a race-unspecified target person's behaviors and rated the target person on several trait scales. Results showed that participants who received a high proportion of racial words rated the target person in the story as significantly more hostile than participants who were presented with a lower proportion of words related to the stereotype. This effect held true for both high- and low-prejudice subjects (as measured by the Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotype was activated even for low-prejudice individuals who did not personally endorse it.<ref name="faculty.washington.edu"/><ref>{{cite book |last1= Devine |first= Patricia G. |last2= Monteith |first2= Margo J. |editor1-first= Shelly |editor1-last= Chaiken |editor2-first= Yaacov |editor2-last= Trope |title= Dual-Process Theories in Social Psychology |year= 1999 |publisher= Guilford Press |location= New York |isbn= 978-1-57230-421-5 |pages= 341–342 |chapter= Automaticty and Control in Stereotyping |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=5X_auIBx99EC&pg=PA341}}</ref><ref name="Bargh 1994">{{cite book |last1= Bargh |first= John A. |author-link1= John Bargh |editor1-first= Robert S. |editor1-last= Wyer |editor2-first= Thomas K. |editor2-last= Srull |title= Handbook of Social Cognition |edition= 2nd |volume= Two |year= 1994 |publisher= Lawrence Earlbaum |location= Hillsdale, NJ |isbn= 978-0-8058-1056-1 |page= [https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780805810578/page/21 21] |chapter= The Four Horsemen of Automaticity: Awareness, Intention, Efficiency, Control in Social Cognition |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=5ncW0DyNqVwC&pg=PA21 |url= https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780805810578/page/21 }}</ref> Studies using alternative priming methods have shown that the activation of gender and age stereotypes can also be automatic.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Banaji |first1= Mahzarin R. |last2= Hardin |first2= Curtis D. |year= 1996 |title= Automatic Stereotyping |journal= [[Psychological Science (journal)|Psychological Science]] |volume= 7 |issue= 3 |pages= 136–141 |doi= 10.1111/j.1467-9280.1996.tb00346.x |s2cid= 207858486 |url= http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~mrbworks/articles/1996_PsySci.pdf }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1= Perdue |first1= Charles W. |last2= Gurtman |first2= Michael B. |year= 1990 |title= Evidence for the automaticity of ageism |journal= Journal of Experimental Social Psychology |volume= 26 |issue= 3 |pages= 199–216 |doi= 10.1016/0022-1031(90)90035-K }}</ref>

Subsequent research suggested that the relation between category activation and stereotype activation was more complex.<ref name="Bargh 1994"/><ref>{{cite book |last1= Brown |first1= Rupert |title= Prejudice: Its Social Psychology |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=PygYKbRoZjcC&pg=PA88 |edition= 2nd |year= 2010 |publisher= [[Wiley-Blackwell]] |location= Oxford |isbn= 978-1-4051-1306-9 |pages= 88 }}</ref> Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance, noted that the words used in Devine's study were both neutral category labels (e.g., "Blacks") and stereotypic attributes (e.g., "lazy"). They argued that if only the neutral category labels were presented, people high and low in prejudice would respond differently. In a design similar to Devine's, Lepore and Brown [[Priming (psychology)|primed]] the category of African-Americans using labels such as "blacks" and "West Indians" and then assessed the differential activation of the associated stereotype in the subsequent impression-formation task. They found that high-prejudice participants increased their ratings of the target person on the negative stereotypic dimensions and decreased them on the positive dimension whereas low-prejudice subjects tended in the opposite direction. The results suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotype endorsement affects people's judgements when the category&nbsp;– and not the stereotype per se – is primed.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Lepore |first1= Lorella |last2= Brown |first2= Rupert |year= 1997 |title= Category and Stereotype Activation: Is Prejudice Inevitable? |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 72 |issue= 2 |pages= 275–287 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.72.2.275 |url= http://www.atkinson.yorku.ca/~jsteele/PDF/Optional%20Readings/Lepore_Brown_JPSP_1997.pdf |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20140102191944/http://www.atkinson.yorku.ca/~jsteele/PDF/Optional%20Readings/Lepore_Brown_JPSP_1997.pdf |archive-date= 2 January 2014 |url-status= dead}}</ref>

Research has shown that people can be trained to activate [[Counterstereotype|counterstereotypic]] information and thereby reduce the automatic activation of negative stereotypes. In a study by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, participants were presented with a category label and taught to respond "No" to stereotypic traits and "Yes" to nonstereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects showed reduced stereotype activation.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Kawakami |first1= Kerry |year= 2000 |title= Just say no (to stereotyping): effects of training in the negation of stereotypic associations on stereotype activation |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-personality-and-social-psychology_2000-05_78_5/page/871 |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 78 |issue= 5 |pages= 871–888|doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.78.5.871 |pmid=10821195|display-authors=etal}}</ref><ref name="Gawronski et al. 2008">{{cite journal |last1= Gawronski |first1= Bertram |year= 2008 |title= When 'Just Say No' is not enough: Affirmation versus negation training and the reduction of automatic stereotype activation |journal= Journal of Experimental Social Psychology |volume= 44 |issue= 2 |pages= 370–377 |doi= 10.1016/j.jesp.2006.12.004 |display-authors=etal}}</ref> This effect is based on the learning of new and more [[positive stereotype]]s rather than the negation of already existing ones.<ref name="Gawronski et al. 2008"/>

===Automatic behavioral outcomes===
Empirical evidence suggests that stereotype activation can automatically influence social behavior.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Wheeler |first1= S. Christian |last2= Petty |first2= Richard E. |title= The Effects of Stereotype Activation on Behavior: A Review of Possible Mechanisms |year= 2001 |journal= Psychological Bulletin |volume= 127 |issue= 6 |pages= 797–826 |doi= 10.1037/0033-2909.127.6.797 |pmid= 11726072 |url= http://www.communicationcache.com/uploads/1/0/8/8/10887248/the_effects_of_stereotype_activation_on_behavior_-_a_review_of_possible_mechanisms.pdf |access-date= 10 June 2013}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |editor1-first= Mark R. |editor1-last= Leary |editor2-first= June Price |editor2-last= Tangney |title= Handbook of self and identity |edition= 2nd |location= New York |publisher= Guilford Press |year= 2012 |isbn= 978-1-4625-0305-6 |pages= 164–165 |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=VukSQuVMQy0C&pg=PA164 |chapter= Implicit self and identity |last1= Devos |first1= Thierry |last2= Huynh |first2= Que-Lam |last3= Banaji |first3= Mahzarin D.}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |editor1-first= Joseph P. |editor1-last= Forgas |editor2-first= Kipling D. |editor2-last= Williams |title= Social influence: direct and indirect processes |year= 2001 |location= Philadelphia, PA |publisher= [[Psychology Press]] |chapter= Automatic social influence: The perception-behavior links as an explanatory mechanism for behavior matching |last= Dijksterhuis |first= Ap |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=RfGl17y_yCUC&pg=PA99 |pages= 99–100 |isbn= 9781841690391 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |editor-first= Manuel |editor-last= London |title= How People Evaluate Others in Organizations |year= 2001 |publisher= Lawrence Erlbaum |location= Mahwah, N.J. |isbn= 978-0-8058-3612-7 |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=oqHDiUbhrBkC&pg=PA2012 |page= [https://archive.org/details/howpeopleevaluat00manu/page/2012 2012] |chapter= Causes and Consequences of Stereotypes in Organizations |last1= Operario |first1= Din |last2= Fiske |first2= Susan T. |url= https://archive.org/details/howpeopleevaluat00manu/page/2012 }}</ref> For example, [[John Bargh|Bargh]], Chen, and Burrows (1996) activated the stereotype of the elderly among half of their participants by administering a scrambled-sentence test where participants saw words related to age stereotypes. Subjects primed with the stereotype walked significantly more slowly than the control group (although the test did not include any words specifically referring to slowness), thus acting in a way that the stereotype suggests that elderly people will act. And the stereotype of the elder will affect the subjective perception of them through depression.<ref>{{Cite book|chapter=Alzheimer Dementia|work=SpringerReference|publisher=Springer-Verlag|doi=10.1007/springerreference_34009|title=Springer ''Reference''|year=2011}}</ref> In another experiment, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows also found that because the stereotype about blacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal exposure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomly selected white college students reacted with more aggression and hostility than participants who subconsciously viewed a white face.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Bargh |first1= John A. |last2= Chen |first2= Mark |last3= Burrows |first3= Lara |title= Automaticity of Social Behavior: Direct Effects of Trait Construct and Stereotype Activation on Action |year= 1996 |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 71 |issue= 2 |pages= 230–244 |url= http://www.yale.edu/acmelab/articles/bargh_chen_burrows_1996.pdf |access-date= 10 June 2013 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.71.2.230 |pmid= 8765481 |citeseerx= 10.1.1.320.8563 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20131009182408/http://yale.edu/acmelab/articles/bargh_chen_burrows_1996.pdf |archive-date= 9 October 2013 |url-status= dead}}</ref> Similarly, Correll et al. (2002) showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can influence people's behavior. In a series of experiments, black and white participants played a [[video game]], in which a black or white person was shown holding a [[gun]] or a harmless object (e.g., a [[mobile phone]]). Participants had to decide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the target. When the target person was armed, both black and white participants were faster in deciding to shoot the target when he was black than when he was white. When the target was unarmed, the participants avoided shooting him more quickly when he was white. Time pressure made the shooter bias even more pronounced.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Correll |first1= Joshua |last2= Park |first2= Bernadette |last3= Judd |first3= Charles M. |last4= Wittenbrink |first4= Bernd |title= The Police Officer's Dilemma: Using Ethnicity to Disambiguate Potentially Threatening Individuals |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-personality-and-social-psychology_2002-12_83_6/page/1314 |year= 2002 |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 83 |issue= 6 |pages= 1314–1329 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.83.6.1314 |citeseerx= 10.1.1.466.7243 |pmid= 12500813 }}</ref>
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==準確性==
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[[File:Bettie Page driving.jpg|thumb|A magazine feature from ''Beauty Parade'' from March 1952 stereotyping women drivers. It features [[Bettie Page]] as the model.]]

Stereotypes can be efficient shortcuts and sense-making tools. They can, however, keep people from processing new or unexpected information about each individual, thus biasing the impression formation process.<ref name="McGarty Yzerbyt et al. (2002)"/> Early researchers believed that stereotypes were inaccurate representations of reality.<ref name="Katz & Braly (1933)">{{cite journal |last1= Katz |first1= Daniel |last2= Braley |first2= Kenneth |year= 1933 |title= Racial stereotypes of one hundred college students |journal= The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology |volume= 28 |issue= 3 |pages= 280–290 |doi= 10.1037/h0074049 }}</ref> A series of pioneering studies in the 1930s found no empirical support for widely held racial stereotypes.<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)"/> By the mid-1950s, Gordon Allport wrote that, "It is possible for a stereotype to grow in defiance of all evidence."<ref name="Allport (1954)"/>

Research on the role of [[#Illusory correlation|illusory correlations]] in the formation of stereotypes suggests that stereotypes can develop because of incorrect inferences about the relationship between two events (e.g., membership in a social group and bad or good attributes). This means that at least some stereotypes are inaccurate.<ref name="mullen&johnson"/><ref name="hamilton&gifford"/><ref name="stroessner&plaks"/><ref name="McConnell et al. (1994)">{{cite journal |last1= McConnell |first1= Allen R. |last2= Sherman |first2= Steven J. |last3= Hamilton |first3= David L. |year= 1994 |title= Illusory correlation in the perception of groups: an extension of the distinctiveness-based account |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 67 |issue= 3 |pages= 414–429 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.67.3.414 |pmid= 7965600 |url= http://allenmcconnell.net/pdfs/edbe-JPSP-1994.pdf }}</ref>

Empirical social science research shows that stereotypes are often accurate.<ref>{{cite book |title=Stereotype Accuracy: Toward Appreciating Group Differences |url=https://archive.org/details/stereotypeaccura0000unse |publisher=American Psychological Association |date=September 1995 |isbn=978-1-55798-307-7 |editor= [[Yueh-Ting Lee]] |editor2=Lee J. Jussim |editor3=Clark R. McCauley}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Jussim |first1=Lee |last2=Crawford |first2=Jarret T. |last3=Rubinstein |first3=Rachel S. |title=Stereotype (In)Accuracy in Perceptions of Groups and Individuals |journal=Current Directions in Psychological Science |volume=24 |issue=6 |pages=490–497 |doi=10.1177/0963721415605257|year=2015 |s2cid=53056616 |url=https://semanticscholar.org/paper/0829c9c2711caf8394b2fee5070d833048aa0650 }}</ref> Jussim et al. reviewed four studies of racial stereotypes, and seven studies of gender stereotypes regarding demographic characteristics, academic achievement, personality and behavior. Based on that, the authors argued that some aspects of ethnic and gender stereotypes are accurate while stereotypes concerning political affiliation and nationality are much less accurate.<ref name="Jussim">{{cite book |last1 = Jussim | first1 = Lee | last2 = Cain |first2= Thomas R. | last3 = Crawford | first3 = Jarret T. | last4 = Harber | first4 = Kent | last5= Cohen | first5 = Florette | title= Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination |url = https://archive.org/details/handbookprejudic00nels |url-access = limited | chapter = The unbearable accuracy of stereotypes | publisher= Psychology Press | location = New York | year = 2009 |isbn=978-0-8058-5952-2 |editor-first = Todd D | editor-last = Nelson | pages = [https://archive.org/details/handbookprejudic00nels/page/n223 199]–227}}</ref> A study by Terracciano et al. also found that stereotypic beliefs about nationality do not reflect the actual personality traits of people from different cultures.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Terracciano |first1=A| title= National Character Does Not Reflect Mean Personality Trait Levels in 49 Cultures |journal= Science|year= 2005|volume= 310|pages= 96–100|doi= 10.1126/science.1117199|pmid= 16210536 |pmc=2775052|issue=5745|last2= Abdel-Khalek |first2= AM |last3 = Adám |first3= N |last4 = Adamovová |first4 = L |last5 = Ahn |first5 = CK |last6 = Ahn |first6 = HN |last7 = Alansari |first7 = BM |last8 = Alcalay |first8 =L |last9= Allik |first9 = J| display-authors=8 |bibcode=2005Sci...310...96T}}</ref>

Marlene MacKie argues that while stereotypes are inaccurate, this is a definition rather than empirical claim – stereotypes were simply defined as inaccurate, even though the supposed inaccuracy of stereotypes was treated as though it was an empirical discovery.<ref>Mackie, Marlene. "Arriving at "truth" by definition: The case of stereotype inaccuracy." Social problems 20, no. 4 (1973): 431–447.</ref>
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==效果==

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===Attributional ambiguity===
{{main|Attributional ambiguity}}
Attributive ambiguity refers to the uncertainty that members of stereotyped groups experience in interpreting the causes of others' behavior toward them. Stereotyped individuals who receive negative [[feedback]] can [[Attribution (psychology)|attribute]] it either to personal shortcomings, such as lack of ability or poor effort, or the evaluator's stereotypes and prejudice toward their social group. Alternatively, positive feedback can either be attributed to personal merit or discounted as a form of [[sympathy]] or [[pity]].<ref name="zemore-fiske-kim">{{cite book |last1= Zemore |first1= Sarah E. |last2= Fiske |first2= Susan T. |last3= Kim |first3= Hyun-Jeong |editor1-first= Thomas |editor1-last= Eckes |editor2-first= Hanns Martin |editor2-last= Trautner |title= The Developmental Social Psychology of Gender |year= 2000 |publisher= Lawrence Erlbaum Associates |location= Mahwah, NJ |isbn= 978-0-585-30065-8 |pages=229–230 |chapter= Gender Stereotypes and the Dynamics of Social Interaction |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=yJ43_5tJGycC&pg=PA229 }}</ref><ref name="crocker-major-steele">{{cite book |last1= Crocker |first1= Jennifer |last2= Major |first2= Brenda |last3= Stelle |first3= Claude |editor1-first= Daniel T. |editor1-last= Gilbert |editor2-first= Susan T. |editor2-last= Fiske |editor3-first= Gardner |editor3-last= Lindzey |title= The Handbook of Social Psychology |edition= 4th |volume= Two |year= 1998 |publisher= Oxford University Press |location= Oxford |isbn= 978-0-19-521376-8 |pages= 519–521 |chapter= Social Stigma |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=w27pSuHLnLYC&pg=PA519 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Whiteley |first1= Bernard E. |last2= Kite |first2= Mary E. |title= The Psychology of Prejudice and Discrimination |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=mXSJEjl4uZYC&pg=PA428 |edition= 2nd |year= 2010 |publisher= Wadsworth Cengage Learning |location= Belmont, CA |isbn= 978-0-495-59964-7 |pages= 428–435 }}</ref>

[[Jennifer Crocker|Crocker]] et al. (1991) showed that when black participants were evaluated by a white person who was aware of their race, black subjects mistrusted the feedback, attributing negative feedback to the evaluator's stereotypes and positive feedback to the evaluator's desire to appear unbiased. When the black participants' race was unknown to the evaluator, they were more accepting of the feedback.<ref name="Crocker et al.">{{cite journal |last1= Crocker |first1= Jennifer |last2= Voelkl |first2= Kristin |last3= Testa |first3= Maria |last4= Major |first4= Brenda |year= 1991 |title= Social stigma: The affective consequences of attributional ambiguity |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-personality-and-social-psychology_1991-02_60_2/page/218 |journal= [[Journal of Personality and Social Psychology]] |volume= 60 |issue= 2 |pages= 218–228|doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.60.2.218 }}</ref>

Attributional ambiguity has been shown to affect a person's [[self-esteem]]. When they receive positive evaluations, stereotyped individuals are uncertain of whether they really deserved their success and, consequently, they find it difficult to take credit for their achievements. In the case of negative feedback, ambiguity has been shown to have a protective effect on self-esteem as it allows people to assign blame to external causes. Some studies, however, have found that this effect only holds when stereotyped individuals can be absolutely certain that their negative outcomes are due to the evaluators's prejudice. If any room for uncertainty remains, stereotyped individuals tend to blame themselves.<ref name="crocker-major-steele"/>

Attributional ambiguity can also make it difficult to assess one's skills because performance-related evaluations are mistrusted or discounted. Moreover, it can lead to the belief that one's efforts are not directly linked to the outcomes, thereby depressing one's [[motivation]] to succeed.<ref name="zemore-fiske-kim"/>

===Stereotype threat===
[[File:Stereotype threat - osborne 2007.png|thumb|The effect of stereotype threat (ST) on math test scores for girls and boys. Data from Osborne (2007).<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Osborne |first1= Jason W. |title= Linking Stereotype Threat and Anxiety |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_educational-psychology_2007-02_27_1/page/135 |journal= Educational Psychology |volume= 27 |issue= 1 |year= 2007 |pages= 135–154 |doi= 10.1080/01443410601069929|s2cid= 144555070 }}</ref>]]
{{Main|Stereotype threat}}

Stereotype threat occurs when people are aware of a negative stereotype about their social group and experience anxiety or concern that they might confirm the stereotype.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Quinn |first1= Diane M. |last2= Kallen |first2= Rachel W. |last3= Spencer |first3= Steven J. |editor1-first= John F. |editor1-last= Dividio |title= The SAGE Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping and Discrimination |url= https://archive.org/details/sagehandbookofpr0000unse |year= 2010 |publisher= [[SAGE Publications]] |location= Thousand Oaks, CA |isbn= 978-1-4129-3453-4 |pages= [https://archive.org/details/sagehandbookofpr0000unse/page/379 379]–394 |chapter= Stereotype Threat |display-editors=etal}}</ref> Stereotype threat has been shown to undermine performance in a variety of domains.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Inzlicht |first1= Michael |last2= Tullett |first2= Alexa M. |last3= Gutsell |first3= Jennifer N. |editor1-first= Michael |editor1-last= Inzlicht |editor2-last= Schmader |editor2-first= Toni |title= Stereotype Threat: Theory, Process, and Application |year= 2012 |publisher= Oxford University Press |location= New York, NY |isbn= 978-0-19-973244-9 |page= 108 |chapter= Stereotype Threat Spillover: The Short- and Long-Term Effects of Coping with Threats to Social Identity |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=o1JBcAv3f14C&pg=PA108 }}</ref><ref name=AronsonBook>{{cite book |last1= Aronson |first1= Joshua |last2= Stelle |first2= Claude M. |editor1-first= Andrew J. |editor1-last= Elliot |editor2-first= Carol S. |editor2-last= Dweck |title= Handbook of Competence and Motivation |year= 2005 |publisher= [[Guilford Press]] |location= New York |isbn= 978-1-59385-123-1 |pages= 436, 443 |chapter= Chapter 24: Stereotypes and the Fragility of Academic Competence, Motivation, and Self-Concept |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=B14TMHRtYBcC&pg=PA436 }}</ref>

[[Claude Steele|Claude M. Steele]] and Joshua Aronson conducted the first experiments showing that stereotype threat can depress intellectual performance on [[standardized test]]s. In one study, they found that black college students performed worse than white students on a verbal test when the task was framed as a measure of intelligence. When it was not presented in that manner, the performance gap narrowed. Subsequent experiments showed that framing the test as diagnostic of intellectual ability made black students more aware of negative stereotypes about their group, which in turn impaired their performance.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Steele |first1= Claude M. |last2= Aronson |first2= Joshua |title= Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 69 |issue= 5 |pages= 797–811 |date=November 1995 |pmid= 7473032 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.69.5.797 |url= http://users.nber.org/~sewp/events/2005.01.14/Bios+Links/Good-rec2-Steele_&_Aronson_95.pdf }}</ref> Stereotype threat effects have been demonstrated for an array of social groups in many different arenas, including not only academics but also sports,<ref>{{cite journal|last1= Stone |first1= Jeff |last2= Lynch |first2= Christian I. |last3= Sjomeling |first3= Mike |last4= Darley |first4= John M. |title= Stereotype threat effects on Black and White athletic performance |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-personality-and-social-psychology_1999-12_77_6/page/1213 |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 77 |issue= 6 |year= 1999 |pages= 1213–1227 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1213 |citeseerx= 10.1.1.687.5039 }}</ref> [[chess]]<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Maass |first1= Anne |last2= D'Ettole |first2= Claudio |last3= Cadinu |first3= Mara |title= Checkmate? The role of gender stereotypes in the ultimate intellectual sport |journal= [[European Journal of Social Psychology]] |volume= 38 |issue= 2 |year= 2008 |pages= 231–245 |doi= 10.1002/ejsp.440 |url= http://clarksvillechessclub.org/pdf%20files/The%20role%20of%20gender%20stereotypes%20in%20chess.pdf |access-date= 5 September 2012 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20121120220830/http://clarksvillechessclub.org/pdf%20files/The%20role%20of%20gender%20stereotypes%20in%20chess.pdf |archive-date= 20 November 2012 |url-status= dead }}</ref> and business.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Gupta |first1= V. K. |last2= Bhawe |first2= N. M. |title= The Influence of Proactive Personality and Stereotype Threat on Women's Entrepreneurial Intentions |journal=[[Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies]] |volume= 13 |issue= 4 |year= 2007 |pages= 73–85 |doi= 10.1177/10717919070130040901|s2cid= 145318243 }}</ref>

Not only has stereotype threat been widely criticized by on a theoretical basis,<ref name=jensen>Arthur Robert Jensen "The g factor: the science of mental ability" 1998
{{ISBN|0-275-96103-6}},Praeger Publishers, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881, pages 513–515: "the phenomenon of stereotype threat can be explained in terms of a
more general construct, test anxiety, which has been studied since the early days
of psychometrics. Test anxiety tends to lower performance levels on tests
in proportion to the degree of complexity and the amount of mental effort they
require of the subject. The relatively greater effect of test anxiety in the black
samples, who had somewhat lower SAT scores, than the white subjects in the
Stanford experiments constitutes an example of the Yerkes-Dodson law ... by conducting the same type of experiment using exclusively white (or black)
subjects, divided into lower- and higher-ability groups, it might be shown that
the phenomenon attributed to stereotype threat has nothing to do with race as
such, but results from the interaction of ability level with test anxiety as a
function of test complexity."</ref><ref name="Stoet2012">{{Cite journal | last1 = Stoet | first1 = G. | last2 = Geary | first2 = D. C. | doi = 10.1037/a0026617 | title = Can stereotype threat explain the gender gap in mathematics performance and achievement? | journal = Review of General Psychology | volume = 16 | pages = 93–102 | year = 2012 | s2cid = 145724069 | url = https://semanticscholar.org/paper/0f0d758add9353f1af805a98a922084485824372 }} [http://volition.gla.ac.uk/~stoet/pdf/Stoet-Geary-RGP2012.pdf Pdf.] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160112130459/http://volition.gla.ac.uk/~stoet/pdf/Stoet-Geary-RGP2012.pdf |date=12 January 2016 }}</ref> but has failed several attempts to replicate its experimental evidence.<ref name="Stoet2012"/><ref name="Fryer2008">{{Cite journal | last1 = Fryer | first1 = R. G. | last2 = Levitt | first2 = S. D. | last3 = List | first3 = J. A. | doi = 10.1257/aer.98.2.370 | title = Exploring the Impact of Financial Incentives on Stereotype Threat: Evidence from a Pilot Study | journal = American Economic Review | volume = 98 | issue = 2 | pages = 370–375 | year = 2008 | url = http://s3.amazonaws.com/fieldexperiments-papers2/papers/00477.pdf }}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Yong|first1=Ed|title=A Worrying Trend for Psychology's 'Simple Little Tricks'|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2016/09/can-simple-tricks-mobilise-voters-and-help-students/499109|access-date=11 September 2016|work=[[The Atlantic]]|date=9 September 2016}}</ref><ref name="Ganley2013">{{cite journal|last=Ganley|first=Colleen M.|author2=Mingle, Leigh A.|author3=Ryan, Allison M.|author4=Ryan, Katherine|author5=Vasilyeva, Marina|author6=Perry, Michelle|title=An Examination of Stereotype Threat Effects on Girls' Mathematics Performance|journal=Developmental Psychology|date=1 January 2013|doi=10.1037/a0031412|url=https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/85192141/2013-ganley.pdf|volume=49|issue=10|pages=1886–1897|pmid=23356523|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140719005546/https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/85192141/2013-ganley.pdf|archive-date=19 July 2014|citeseerx=10.1.1.353.4436}}</ref> The findings in support of the concept have been suggested by multiple methodological reviews to be the product of [[publication bias]].<ref name="Ganley2013"/><ref name="Flore2014">{{cite journal|last1=Flore|first1=Paulette C.|last2=Wicherts|first2=Jelte M.|title=Does stereotype threat influence performance of girls in stereotyped domains? A meta-analysis|journal=Journal of School Psychology|volume=53|issue=1|year=2014|pages=25–44|issn=0022-4405|doi=10.1016/j.jsp.2014.10.002|pmid=25636259}}</ref>

===Self-fulfilling prophecy===
{{Main|Self-fulfilling prophecy}}
Stereotypes lead people to expect certain actions from members of social groups. These stereotype-based expectations may lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, in which one's inaccurate expectations about a person's behavior, through social interaction, prompt that person to act in stereotype-consistent ways, thus confirming one's erroneous expectations and validating the stereotype.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Kassin |first1= Saul M. |last2= Fein |first2= Steven |last3= Markus |first3= Hazel Rose |title= Social psychology |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=3aCdjhGxDjgC&pg=PA172 |edition= 8th |year= 2011 |publisher= Wadsworth, [[Cengage Learning]] |location= Belmont, CA |isbn= 978-0-495-81240-1 |pages= 172 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Brown |first1= Rupert |title= Prejudice: Its Social Psychology |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=PygYKbRoZjcC&pg=PA94 |edition= 2nd |year= 2010 |publisher= Wiley-Blackwell |location= Oxford |isbn= 978-1-4051-1306-9 |pages= 94–97 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1= Chen |first1= Mark |last2= Bargh |first2= John A. |year= 1997 |title= Nonconscious Behavioral Confirmation Processes: The Self-Fulfilling Consequences of Automatic Stereotype Activation |journal= [[Journal of Experimental Social Psychology]] |volume= 33 |issue= 5 |pages= 541–560 |doi= 10.1006/jesp.1997.1329 |url= http://www.yale.edu/acmelab/articles/Chen_Bargh_1997.pdf |access-date= 5 April 2013 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20130522080900/http://www.yale.edu/acmelab/articles/Chen_Bargh_1997.pdf |archive-date= 22 May 2013 |url-status= dead}}</ref>

Word, [[Mark Zanna|Zanna]], and Cooper (1974) demonstrated the effects of stereotypes in the context of a [[job interview]]. White participants interviewed black and white subjects who, prior to the experiments, had been trained to act in a standardized manner. Analysis of the videotaped interviews showed that black job applicants were treated differently: They received shorter amounts of interview time and less eye contact; interviewers made more speech errors (e.g., [[Stuttering|stutters]], sentence incompletions, incoherent sounds) and physically distanced themselves from black applicants. In a second experiment, trained interviewers were instructed to treat applicants, all of whom were white, like the whites or blacks had been treated in the first experiment. As a result, applicants treated like the blacks of the first experiment behaved in a more nervous manner and received more negative performance ratings than interviewees receiving the treatment previously afforded to whites.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Word |first1= Carl O. |last2= Zanna |first2= Mark P. |last3= Cooper |first3= Joel |year= 1974 |title= The nonverbal mediation of self-fulfilling prophecies in interracial interaction |journal= Journal of Experimental Social Psychology |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 109–120 |doi= 10.1016/0022-1031(74)90059-6 }}</ref>

A 1977 study by Snyder, Tanke, and [[Ellen S. Berscheid|Berscheid]] found a similar pattern in social interactions between men and women. Male [[Undergraduate education|undergraduate students]] were asked to talk to female undergraduates, whom they believed to be [[Physical attractiveness|physically attractive]] or unattractive, on the phone. The conversations were taped and analysis showed that men who thought that they were talking to an attractive woman communicated in a more positive and friendlier manner than men who believed that they were talking to unattractive women. This altered the women's behavior: Female subjects who, unknowingly to them, were perceived to be physically attractive behaved in a friendly, likeable, and sociable manner in comparison with subjects who were regarded as unattractive.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Snyder |first1= Mark |last2= Tanke |first2= Elizabeth D. |last3= Berscheid |first3= Ellen |year= 1977 |title= Social perception and interpersonal behavior: On the self-fulfilling nature of social stereotypes |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |volume= 35 |issue= 9 |pages= 656–666 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.35.9.656 |url= http://jefferson.library.millersville.edu/reserve/COMM301_Paul_SocialPerception.pdf |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20120617031954/http://jefferson.library.millersville.edu/reserve/COMM301_Paul_SocialPerception.pdf |archive-date= 17 June 2012 |url-status= dead}}</ref>

A 2005 study by J. Thomas Kellow and Brett D. Jones looked at the effects of self-fulfilling prophecy on African American and Caucasian high school freshman students. Both white and black students were informed that their test performance would be predictive of their performance on a statewide, high stakes [[standardized test]]. They were also told that historically, white students had outperformed black students on the test. This knowledge created a self-fulfilling prophecy in both the white and black students, where the white students scored statistically significantly higher than the African American students on the test. The [[stereotype threat]] of underperforming on standardized tests affected the African American students in this study.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Kellow|first=Thomas|date=February 2008|title=The Effects of Stereotypes on the Achievement Gap: Reexamining the Academic Performance of African American High School Students|url=https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-black-psychology_2008-02_34_1/page/94|journal=Journal of Black Psychology|volume=34|pages=94–120|doi=10.1177/0095798407310537|citeseerx=10.1.1.553.9188|s2cid=145490359}}</ref>

In [[Accountant|accountancy]], there is a popular stereotype which represents members of the profession as being humorless, introspective [[wiktionary:Bean counter|beancounters]].<ref>Friedman, A. L., & Lyne, S. R. (2001). The beancounter stereotype: towards a general model of stereotype generation. Critical perspectives on accounting, 12(4), 423-451.</ref><ref>Jeacle, I., Miley, F., & Read, A. (2012). Jokes in popular culture: the characterisation of the accountant. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal.</ref> It has been suggested that this stereotype influences those attracted to the profession, with many new entrants underestimating the importance of communication skills and overestimating the importance of numeracy, thus contributing to the perpetuation of the stereotype.<ref name="ireland">{{cite journal |last1=Ireland |first1=C |title=Apprehension felt towards delivering oral presentations: a case study of accountancy students |journal=Accounting Education |date=2020 |volume=29 |issue=3 |pages=305–320 |doi=10.1080/09639284.2020.1737548 |s2cid=216369153 |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/339815863 }}</ref>

===Discrimination and prejudice ===
Because stereotypes simplify and justify social reality, they have potentially powerful effects on how people perceive and treat one another.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Banaji |first1= Mahzarin R. |author-link1= Mahzarin Banaji |editor1-first= Neil |editor1-last= Smelser |editor2-first= Paul |editor2-last= Baltes |title= International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences |year= 2002 |publisher= [[Pergamon Press|Pergamon]] |location= New York |isbn= 978-0-08-043076-8 |doi= 10.1016/B0-08-043076-7/01754-X |pages= 15100–15104 |chapter= The Social Psychology of Stereotypes }}</ref> As a result, stereotypes can lead to [[discrimination]] in labor markets and other domains.<ref>{{cite book |last1= Fiske |first1= Susan T. |last2= Lee |first2= Tiane L. |editor1-first= Arthur P |editor1-last= Brief |title= Diversity at Work |year= 2008 |publisher= Cambridge University Press |location= New York |isbn= 978-0-521-86030-7 |pages= 13–52|chapter= Stereotypes and prejudice create workplace discrimination |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=8edJmBsyRHwC&pg=PA13 }}</ref> For example, Tilcsik (2011) has found that employers who seek job applicants with stereotypically male [[Heterosexuality|heterosexual]] traits are particularly likely to engage in discrimination against [[gay]] men, suggesting that discrimination on the basis of [[sexual orientation]] is partly rooted in specific stereotypes and that these stereotypes loom large in many labor markets.<ref name=Tilcsik/> Agerström and Rooth (2011) showed that automatic [[obesity]] stereotypes captured by the [[Implicit Association Test]] can predict real hiring discrimination against the obese.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Agerström |first1= Jens |last2= Rooth |first2= Dan-Olof |year= 2011 |title= The role of automatic obesity stereotypes in real hiring discrimination |url= https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-applied-psychology_2011-07_96_4/page/790 |journal= Journal of Applied Psychology |volume= 96 |issue= 4 |pages= 790–805 |doi= 10.1037/a0021594 |pmid= 21280934 }}</ref> Similarly, experiments suggest that gender stereotypes play an important role in judgments that affect [[Recruitment|hiring]] decisions.<ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last1= Davison |first1= Heather K. |last2= Burke |first2= Michael J. |year= 2000 |title= Sex Discrimination in Simulated Employment Contexts: A Meta-analytic Investigation |journal= Journal of Vocational Behavior |volume= 56 |issue= 2 |pages= 225–248 |doi= 10.1006/jvbe.1999.1711 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1= Rudman |first= Laurie A. |last2= Glick |first2= Peter |year= 2001 |title= Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes and Backlash toward Agentic Women |journal= [[Journal of Social Issues]] |volume= 57 |issue= 4 |pages= 743–762 |doi= 10.1111/0022-4537.00239 |hdl= 2027.42/146421 |url= https://wesfiles.wesleyan.edu/courses/PSYC-309-clwilkins/Week3/Rudman.Glick.2001.pdf |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20121106121608/https://wesfiles.wesleyan.edu/courses/PSYC-309-clwilkins/Week3/Rudman.Glick.2001.pdf |archive-date= 6 November 2012 |url-status= dead|hdl-access= free }}</ref>

Stereotypes can cause [[Racism|racist]] prejudice. For example, scientists and activists have warned that the use of the stereotype "Nigerian Prince" for referring to [[Advance-fee scam]]mers is racist, i.e. "reducing [[Nigeria]] to a nation of scammers and fraudulent princes, as some people still do online, is a stereotype that needs to be called out".<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Yékú|first=James|date=2020-09-09|title=Anti-Afropolitan ethics and the performative politics of online scambaiting|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02533952.2020.1813943|journal=Social Dynamics|volume=46|issue=2|pages=240–258|language=en|doi=10.1080/02533952.2020.1813943|s2cid=222232833|issn=0253-3952}}</ref>

=== Self-stereotyping ===
{{Main|Self-stereotyping}}
Stereotypes can affect self-evaluations and lead to self-stereotyping.<ref name="Cox et al. (2012)"/><ref>{{cite book |last1= Sinclair |first1= Stacey |last2= Huntsinger |first2= Jeff |editor1-first= Shana |editor1-last= Levin |editor2-first= Colette |editor2-last= Van Laar |title= Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psychological Perspectives |series= Claremont Symposium on Applied Social Psychology |year= 2006 |publisher= [[Taylor & Francis|Lawrence Erlbaum Associates]] |location= Mahwah, NJ |isbn= 978-0-8058-4415-3 |page= 239 |chapter= The Interpersonal Basis of Self-Stereotyping |chapter-url= https://books.google.com/books?id=7WtgXfECza8C&pg=PA239 }}</ref> For instance, Correll (2001, 2004) found that specific stereotypes (e.g., the stereotype that women have lower mathematical ability) affect women's and men's evaluations of their abilities (e.g., in math and science), such that men assess their own task ability higher than women performing at the same level.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Correll |first1= Shelley J. |year= 2001 |title= Gender and the career choice process: The role of biased self-assessments |journal= American Journal of Sociology |volume= 106 |issue= 6 |pages= 1691–1730 |doi= 10.1086/321299 |s2cid= 142863258 |url= http://www.chaire-crsng-inal.fsg.ulaval.ca/fileadmin/docs/documents/Article/Gender_and_career_choice_process_2001.pdf |url-status= dead |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20110912043942/http://www.chaire-crsng-inal.fsg.ulaval.ca/fileadmin/docs/documents/Article/Gender_and_career_choice_process_2001.pdf |archive-date= 12 September 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1= Correll |first1= Shelley J. |year= 2004 |title= Constraints into Preferences: Gender, Status, and Emerging Career Aspirations |journal= [[American Sociological Review]] |volume= 69 |issue= 1 |pages= 93–113 |doi= 10.1177/000312240406900106 |url= http://people.uncw.edu/maumem/soc500/Correll2004.pdf |citeseerx= 10.1.1.520.8370 |s2cid= 8735336 }}</ref> Similarly, a study by Sinclair et al. (2006) has shown that Asian American women rated their math ability more favorably when their ethnicity and the relevant stereotype that Asian Americans excel in math was made salient. In contrast, they rated their math ability less favorably when their gender and the corresponding stereotype of women's inferior math skills was made salient. Sinclair et al. found, however, that the effect of stereotypes on self-evaluations is [[Mediation (statistics)|mediated]] by the degree to which close people in someone's life endorse these stereotypes. People's self-stereotyping can increase or decrease depending on whether close others view them in stereotype-consistent or inconsistent manner.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Sinclair |first1= Stacey |last2= Hardin |first2= Curtis D. |last3= Lowery |first3= Brian S. |title= Self-Stereotyping in the Context of Multiple Social Identities |journal= Journal of Personality and Social Psychology |year= 2006 |volume= 90 |issue= 4 |pages= 529–542 |doi= 10.1037/0022-3514.90.4.529 |url= http://psych.princeton.edu/psychology/research/sinclair/pubs/self%20stereo%20and%20multiple%20identities.PDF |pmid= 16649853 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20140827125537/http://psych.princeton.edu/psychology/research/sinclair/pubs/self%20stereo%20and%20multiple%20identities.PDF |archive-date= 27 August 2014 |url-status= dead}}</ref>

Stereotyping can also play a central role in depression, when people have negative self-stereotypes about themselves, according to [[William T. L. Cox|Cox]], [[Lyn Yvonne Abramson|Abramson]], [[Patricia Devine|Devine]], and Hollon (2012).<ref name="Cox et al. (2012)"/> This depression that is caused by prejudice (i.e., "deprejudice") can be related to group membership (e.g., Me–Gay–Bad) or not (e.g., Me–Bad). If someone holds prejudicial beliefs about a stigmatized group and then becomes a member of that group, they may internalize their prejudice and develop depression. People may also show prejudice internalization through self-stereotyping because of negative childhood experiences such as verbal and physical abuse.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Sachs|first1=Nicole M.|last2=Veysey|first2=Bonita M.|last3=Rivera|first3=Luis M.|date=14 November 2017|title=Implicit Social Cognitive Processes Underlying Victim Self and Identity: Evidence With College-Aged Adults|journal=Journal of Interpersonal Violence|volume=36|issue=3–4|pages=1256–1282|doi=10.1177/0886260517741625|pmid=29294984|s2cid=206565963}}</ref>

=== Substitute for observations ===
Stereotypes are traditional and familiar symbol clusters, expressing a more or less complex idea in a convenient way. They are often simplistic pronouncements about gender, racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds and they can become a source of misinformation and delusion. For example, in a school when students are confronted with the task of writing a theme, they think in terms of literary associations, often using stereotypes picked up from books, films, and magazines that they have read or viewed.

The danger in stereotyping lies not in its existence, but in the fact that it can become a substitute for observation and a misinterpretation of a [[cultural identity]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=HAYAKAWA|first=S. I.|year=1950|jstor=42581302|journal=ETC: A Review of General Semantics|volume=7|issue=3|pages=208–210|title=Recognizing Stereotypes as Substitutes for Thought}}</ref> Promoting [[information literacy]] is a pedagogical approach that can effectively combat the entrenchment of stereotypes. The necessity for using information literacy to separate multicultural "fact from fiction" is well illustrated with examples from literature and media.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://search.proquest.com/openview/c9296b8ae9e329bdded001fbbe51f7a4/1?pq-origsite|title=Using information literacy to promote critical thinking – ProQuest|website=search.proquest.com|access-date=26 April 2018}}</ref>
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==刻板印象在藝術與文化中的角色==
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[[File:TheUsualIrishWayofDoingThings.jpg|thumb|American political cartoon titled ''The Usual Irish Way of Doing Things'', depicting a drunken Irishman lighting a powder keg and swinging a bottle. Published in ''[[Harper's Weekly]]'', 1871.]]

Stereotypes are common in various cultural [[Media (communication)|media]], where they take the form of dramatic [[stock character]]s. The instantly recognizable nature of stereotypes mean that they are effective in [[advertising]] and [[situation comedy]].<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://tedb.byu.edu/?page_id=35|title=Lesson 2 – Stock Characters {{!}} BYU Theatre Education Database|website=tedb.byu.edu|access-date=30 March 2018}}</ref> Alexander Fedorov (2015) proposed a concept of media stereotypes analysis. This concept refers to identification and analysis of stereotypical images of people, ideas, events, stories, themes, etc. in media context.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Fedorov|first1=Alexander|title=Media Stereotypes Analysis in the Classroom at the Student Audience|journal=European Journal of Contemporary Education|year=2015|volume=12|issue=2|pages=158–162|doi=10.13187/ejced.2015.12.158|doi-access=free}}</ref>

The characters that do appear in movies greatly affect how people worldwide perceive gender relations, race, and cultural communities. Because approximately 85% of worldwide ticket sales are directed toward Hollywood movies, the American movie industry has been greatly responsible for portraying characters of different cultures and diversity to fit into stereotypical categories.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Lee|first=Kevin|date=January 2008|title="The Little State Department": Hollywood and the MPAA's Influence on U.S. Trade Relations|url=https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1671&context=njilb|journal=Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business|volume= 28| issue = 2}}</ref> This has led to the spread and persistence of gender, racial, ethnic, and cultural stereotypes seen in the movies.<sup>[[Stereotype#cite note-89|[89]]]</sup>

For example, [[Russians]] are usually portrayed as ruthless agents, brutal mobsters and villains in [[Hollywood]] movies.<ref>{{cite news |title=Will the cliche of the 'Russian baddie' ever leave our screens? |url=https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2017/jul/10/will-cliche-russian-baddie-ever-leave-screens-james-norton-mcmafia |work=The Guardian |date=10 July 2017}}</ref><ref>"[http://www.foxnews.com/entertainment/2014/10/14/russian-film-industry-and-hollywood-uneasy-with-one-another/ Russian film industry and Hollywood uneasy with one another]." Fox News. 14 October 2014</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=5 Hollywood Villains That Prove Russian Stereotypes Are Hard to Kill |url=https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2015/08/09/5-hollywood-villains-that-prove-russian-stereotypes-are-hard-to-kill-a48849 |work=The Moscow Times |date=9 August 2015}}</ref> According to Russian American professor [[Nina L. Khrushcheva]], "You can’t even turn the TV on and go to the movies without reference to Russians as horrible."<ref>{{cite news |title=Hollywood stereotypes: Why are Russians the bad guys? |url=https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20141106-why-are-russians-always-bad-guys |work=BBC News |date=5 November 2014}}</ref> The portrayals of [[Latin America]]ns in film and print media are restricted to a narrow set of characters. Latin Americans are largely depicted as sexualized figures such as the Latino [[Machismo|macho]] or the Latina vixen, [[gang]] members, (illegal) immigrants, or entertainers. By comparison, they are rarely portrayed as working professionals, business leaders or politicians.<ref name=":2" />

In [[Cinema of the United States|Hollywood films]], there are several Latin American stereotypes that have historically been used. Some examples are El Bandido, the Halfbreed Harlot, The Male Buffoon, The Female Clown, The Latin Lover, The Dark Lady, The Wise Old Man, and The Poor Peon. Many Hispanic characters in Hollywood films consists of one or more of these basic stereotypes, but it has been rare to view Latin American actors representing characters outside of this stereotypical criteria.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Berg|first=Charles|date=Summer 1990|title=Stereotyping in films in general and of the Hispanic in Particular|journal=The Howard Journal of Communications|volume=2|issue=3|pages=294–296|doi=10.1080/10646179009359721}}</ref>

Media stereotypes of women first emerged in the early 20th century. Various stereotypic depictions or "types" of women appeared in magazines, including Victorian ideals of femininity, the [[New Woman]], the [[Gibson Girl]], the [[Femme fatale]], and the [[Flapper]].<sup>[[Stereotype#cite note-88|[88]]]</sup><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=COLTRANE|first1=SCOTT|last2=ADAMS|first2=MICHELE|title=Work–Family Imagery and Gender Stereotypes:Television and the Reproduction of Difference|journal=Journal of Vocational Behavior|volume=50}}</ref>

Stereotypes are also common in video games, with women being portrayed as stereotypes such as the "[[damsel in distress]]" or as [[sexual object]]s (see [[Gender representation in video games]]).<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://msu.edu/~pengwei/Mou&Peng_gender%20and%20racial%20stereotype.pdf|title=Gender and Racial Stereotypes in Popular Video Games|last1=Mou|first1=Yi|last2=Peng|first2=Wei|publisher=Michigan State University}}</ref> Studies show that minorities are portrayed most often in stereotypical roles such as athletes and gangsters (see [[Race and video games|Racial representations in video games]]).<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Burgess|first1=Melinda|last2=Dill|first2=Karen|date=15 September 2011|title=Playing With Prejudice: The Prevalence and Consequences of Racial Stereotypes in Video Games|journal=Media Psychology|volume= 14|issue=3|pages=289–311|doi=10.1080/15213269.2011.596467|s2cid=1416833}}</ref>

In [[literature]] and [[art]], stereotypes are [[cliché]]d or predictable characters or situations. Throughout history, storytellers have drawn from stereotypical characters and situations to immediately connect the audience with new tales.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Auracher|first1=Jan|last2=Hirose|first2=Akiko|year=2017|title=The Influence of Reader's Stereotypes on the Assessment of Fictional Characters|jstor=10.5325/complitstudies.54.4.0795|journal=Comparative Literature Studies|volume=54|issue=4|pages=795–823|doi=10.5325/complitstudies.54.4.0795}}</ref>
-->


== 常見的刻板印象 ==
== 常見的刻板印象 ==
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* [[性別偏見]](性別刻板印象)
* [[性別偏見]](性別刻板印象)
: {{see|性別角色}}
: {{see|性別角色}}
: 「男生活潑好動、女生比較文靜」、「男主外，女主內」、「男生唸理工，女生唸人文」<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.businessweekly.com.tw/article.aspx?id=16736&type=Blog|title=洪蘭：讀女校可以打破「男生讀理工、女生念人文」的刻板印象|accessdate=2017-09-05|author=張德齡|date=2016-05-26|work=商業周刊 - 商周.com|publisher=|archive-date=2019-05-16|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190516172831/https://www.businessweekly.com.tw/article.aspx?id=16736&type=Blog|dead-url=no}}</ref>等等都是性別刻板印象。這種印象常常造成在工作上對於性別的歧視，例如男[[護士]]或是女[[司機]]，同時亦造成人際相處上的阻礙。若將這些思想付诸實踐，即成為性別歧視。
: 「女生心機重、喜歡在背地裡搞小動作」、「男生活潑好動、女生比較文靜」、「男主外，女主內」、「男生唸理工，女生唸人文」<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.businessweekly.com.tw/article.aspx?id=16736&type=Blog|title=洪蘭：讀女校可以打破「男生讀理工、女生念人文」的刻板印象|accessdate=2017-09-05|author=張德齡|date=2016-05-26|work=商業周刊 - 商周.com|publisher=|archive-date=2019-05-16|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190516172831/https://www.businessweekly.com.tw/article.aspx?id=16736&type=Blog|dead-url=no}}</ref>等等都是性別刻板印象。這種印象常常造成在工作上對於性別的歧視，例如男[[護士]]或是女[[司機]]，同時亦造成人際相處上的阻礙。若將這些思想付诸實踐，即成為性別歧視。
: 性別刻板印象甚至會對科學研究造成錯誤，一個例子是在[[瑞典]][[比爾卡]]發現的[[比爾卡女性維京戰士]]（Birka female Viking warrior），比爾卡女性維京戰士的墳墓剛被發掘時，人們因為墓主的戰士身分而假定墓主是男性，並認定墓中的女性骨骸不是墓主，而是陪葬的女性，直到後來對墓主的骨頭的詳細研究出來後，人們才逐漸理解墓主是個女性戰士，墓中的女性骨骸是身為女性戰士的墓主本人，因此古代對女性維京戰士的傳說未必是想像。


* [[性傾向]]刻板印象
* [[性傾向]]刻板印象
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* 地區、國家或種族刻板印象
* 地區、國家或種族刻板印象
: {{see|族群刻板印象}}
: {{see|族群刻板印象}}
: 例如「[[法國]]與浪漫的關联」<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5077739|title=醒醒啊！法國跟你想的不一樣|author=謝芷霖|date=2016-08-06|work=|newspaper=天下雜誌|accessdate=2017-08-03|language=zh-TW|archive-date=2020-04-01|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200401142604/https://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5077739|dead-url=no}}</ref>（法國人所厭惡的刻板印象）、「[[日本人]]都愛吃[[生魚片]]」、「美國人都很胖」、「美國人很浪費」、「德國人一板一眼、約會很準時」、「亞洲人是書呆子」、「亞洲人數學都很好」、「黑人智商低」、「黑人都會彈BASS」、「韓國美女都是整形出來的」、「大陸人都很沒有水準」、「台灣人都理盲濫情」、「俄羅斯人都很粗犷豪放（『戰鬥民族』）」、「閩人狹險，楚人輕易，今二相皆閩人，二參政皆楚人，必將援引鄉黨之士，充塞朝廷，風俗何以更得淳厚？」<ref>{{Cite book|title=《續資治通鑑》卷67|last=|first=|publisher=|year=|isbn=|location=|pages=}}</ref>、「秦，虎狼之國，不可信，不如毋行」<ref>{{Cite book|title=《史記》|last=|first=|publisher=|year=|isbn=|location=|pages=|chapter=屈原列傳}}</ref>、「鄉下人老實，城市人狡詐」等即為地區/族群刻板印象。
: 例如「[[法國]]與浪漫的關联」<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5077739|title=醒醒啊！法國跟你想的不一樣|author=謝芷霖|date=2016-08-06|work=|newspaper=天下雜誌|accessdate=2017-08-03|language=zh-TW|archive-date=2020-04-01|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200401142604/https://www.cw.com.tw/article/article.action?id=5077739|dead-url=no}}</ref>（法國人所厭惡的刻板印象）、「[[日本人]]都愛吃[[生魚片]]」、「美國人都很胖」、「美國人很浪費」、「[[非裔美国人|非裔美國人]]參與[[零元购|零元購]]」、「德國人一板一眼、約會很準時」、「亞洲人是書呆子」、「亞洲人數學都很好」、「華人都会[[功夫]]」、「黑人都會彈BASS」、「韓國美女都是整形出來的」、「大陸人都很沒有水準」、「台灣人都理盲濫情」、「俄羅斯人都很粗犷豪放（『戰鬥民族』）」、「閩人狹險，楚人輕易，今二相皆閩人，二參政皆楚人，必將援引鄉黨之士，充塞朝廷，風俗何以更得淳厚？」<ref>{{Cite book|title=《續資治通鑑》卷67|last=|first=|publisher=|year=|isbn=|location=|pages=}}</ref>、「秦，虎狼之國，不可信，不如毋行」<ref>{{Cite book|title=《史記》|last=|first=|publisher=|year=|isbn=|location=|pages=|chapter=屈原列傳}}</ref>、「鄉下人老實，城市人狡詐」等即為地區/族群刻板印象。


* [[人類外貌|外表]]刻板印象
* [[人類外貌|外表]]刻板印象
: {{see|外貌魅力偏見}}
: {{see|外貌魅力偏見}}
: 例如「体态肥胖的人都贪吃，体形消瘦的人有疾病。」「長得高的是哥哥，長得矮的是弟弟」、「頭腦簡單，四肢發達」、「新的科技製造的東西永远比舊的好、比舊的有效率」、「刻板印象是不準確的」等皆為其例；另外[[中國大陸]]的男子給一些人的印象是以方形[[平頭]]為髮型且語氣粗獷，但並非代表所有中國大陸的男子皆然。
: 例如「体态肥胖的人都贪吃，体形消瘦的人有疾病。」「長得高的是哥哥，長得矮的是弟弟」、「頭腦簡單，四肢發達」、「新的科技製造的東西永远比舊的好、比舊的有效率」、「刻板印象是不準確的」等皆為其例；另外[[中國大陸]]的男子給一些人的印象是以方形[[平頭]]為髮型且語氣粗獷，但並非代表所有中國大陸的男子皆然。
: 另外一些作品中會藉由外表的刻板印象來刻劃角色，像例如[[漫畫]]中的人物造型，常以尖嘴猴腮的有錢人做為壞人的形象，便是一個例子。
* 一些對[[機器]]造型的刻板印象。
:例子如下：
*: 此外一些人對[[機器]]造型會有刻板印象。例子如下：
:: [[超級跑車]]等於[[中置後驅]]局佈才易保持穩定，當然早在數十年前的猛車只可以用這種笨方法，實際上新世紀的[[設計師]]可以用[[懸掛系統]]等其他巧妙的設計達到同樣效果。
:: [[超級跑車]]等於[[中置後驅]]局佈才易保持穩定，當然早在數十年前的猛車只可以用這種笨方法，實際上新世紀的[[設計師]]可以用[[懸掛系統]]等其他巧妙的設計達到同樣效果。
:: 早期[[渦輪噴射引擎|噴射]][[戰鬥機]]採用機頭進氣的佈局，所以是沒有[[雷達]]的，實際上早在五十年代初的[[F-86]]已經擁有雷達，而二十一世紀經現代化改裝過的[[米格-21]]，甚至可以發射引導中程[[空對空導彈]]作超視距[[空戰]]。
:: 早期[[渦輪噴射引擎|噴射]][[戰鬥機]]採用機頭進氣的佈局，所以是沒有[[雷達]]的，實際上早在五十年代初的[[F-86]]已經擁有雷達，而二十一世紀經現代化改裝過的[[米格-21]]，甚至可以發射引導中程[[空對空導彈]]作超視距[[空戰]]。
: 另外一些作品中會藉由外表的刻板印象來刻劃角色，像例如[[漫畫]]中的人物造型，常以尖嘴猴腮的有錢人做為壞人的形象，便是一個例子。


* 喜好刻板印象
* 喜好刻板印象
: 例如：「看獵奇向內容的人都是邪惡且殘酷的心理變態」、「熱愛運動的男性身心健康」、「懂音樂的男性就是很有氣質」、「喜歡動物的女性都心地善良」、「喜歡音樂的孩子不會變壞」等就是對擁有個別興趣的人的刻板印象。事實上，即使擁有共同興趣的人的性格都是不同的，不能一概而論。
: 例如：「看[[獵奇]]向內容的人都是邪惡且殘酷的心理變態」、「熱愛運動的男性身心健康」、「懂音樂的男性就是很有氣質」、「喜歡動物的女性都心地善良」、「喜歡音樂的孩子不會變壞」、「喜歡[[動漫]][[電玩]]的是性犯罪和暴力犯罪的預備軍」等就是對擁有個別興趣的人的刻板印象。事實上，即使擁有共同興趣的人的性格都是不同的，不能一概而論。


* [[政治]]刻板印象
* [[政治]]刻板印象
: 把[[政黨]]、[[報紙]]或人物簡單分為[[左派]]、[[右派]]、[[自由派]]、[[保守派]]、[[泛藍]]、[[泛綠]]（[[台灣]]）或是[[民主派]]、[[建制派]]（[[香港]]），或是將特定政黨或政治立場（如前述的那些及擁[[核能發電|核]]、反核、支持死刑、反对死刑、支持[[墮胎]]、反對墮胎、支持[[多元成家]]、反對多元成家等）以及相關人士掛上「暴力」、「一高二低」、「不理性」、「理盲濫情」、「偽善」、「沒同理心」、「偏激」、「保守」或其他各種的標籤。
: 把[[政黨]]、[[報紙]]或人物簡單分為[[左派]]、[[右派]]、[[自由派]]、[[保守派]]、[[泛藍]]、[[泛綠]]（[[台灣]]）或是[[民主派]]、[[建制派 (香港)|建制派]]（[[香港]]），或是將特定政黨或政治立場（如前述的那些及擁[[核能發電|核]]、反核、支持[[墮胎]]、反對墮胎、支持[[多元成家]]、反對多元成家等）以及相關人士掛上「暴力」、「一高二低」、「不理性」、「理盲濫情」、「偽善」、「沒同理心」、「偏激」、「保守」或其他各種的標籤。


* [[年齡]]刻板印象
* [[年齡]]刻板印象
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* 身份或社經地位刻板印象
* 身份或社經地位刻板印象
: 如「唸理工科的男生都很宅」、「公務員很混」、「亞斯伯格症患者都是數學天才」、「現實的人沒有夢想」、「充滿幻想的人不現實、很單純、沒什麼心機」、「商人重利輕別離」、「人權團體對中國一直存有偏見」、「中國很落後」、「信仰虔誠的人都是好人」、「媒體只会对真相进行选择性报导，引导舆论风向」等即是其例。
: 如「唸[[理工科]]的男生都很宅」、「[[公務員]]很混」、「[[亞斯伯格症]]患者都是數學天才、善於電腦程式」、「現實的人沒有夢想」、「充滿幻想的人不現實、很單純、沒什麼[[心機]]」、「商人重利輕別離」、「[[人權團體]]對中國一直存有偏見」、「中國很落後」、「信仰虔誠的人都是好人」、「常讀宗教經典的人都是信仰虔誠的人」、「法律人冷酷無情」、「媒體只会对真相进行选择性报导，引导舆论风向」、「[[8+9]]是群成天惹是生非的屁孩」等即是其例。


== 參考 ==
== 參考 ==
{{reflist|refs=
<references />

<ref name="Katz & Braly (1935)">{{cite journal |last1= Katz |first1= Daniel |last2= Braly |first2= Kenneth W. |year= 1935 |title= Racial prejudice and racial stereotypes |journal= [[Journal of Abnormal Psychology|The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology]] |volume= 30 |issue= 2 |pages= 175–193 |doi= 10.1037/h0059800 }}</ref>

<ref name="Oakes et al. (1994)">Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & Turner, J. C. (1994). Stereotyping and social reality. Oxford: Blackwell.</ref>

}}


== 參見 ==
== 參見 ==
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[[Category:成见| ]]
[[Category:成见| ]]
[[Category:定型角色]]
[[Category:認知偏誤]]
[[Category:社會心理學]]
[[Category:标签理论]]
[[Category:標籤理論]]
[[Category:偏见]]
[[Category:批判性思维障碍]]
[[Category:歧視]]

2024年7月1日 (一) 13:17的最新版本

一張十八世紀時荷蘭的圖畫，裡頭將亞洲、美洲及非洲的人描述成野蠻人，下方呈現的則分別是英國人、荷蘭人、德國人和法國人。

刻板印象（亦稱印刻作用，英語：stereotype），是一個社會學術語，專指人類對於某些特定類型人、事或物的一種概括的看法，看法可能是來自於同一類型的人事物之中的某一個個體給旁人的觀感。刻板印象有分為正面以及負面的觀感有先入為主的觀念，並不能夠代表每個屬於這個類型的人事物都擁有這樣的特質；每個人從小教育的觀念以及生長環境也會影響人的觀念，當遇到類似或相同的事情則會以自己的經歷反映在某件事上，而造成意見有落差形成的刻板印象，不過另一方面，雖然有一個對49個文化進行的研究顯示，民族性這種族群刻板印象，並不反映該社會成員的平均人格特質[1]，但刻板印象有可能是準確的，一項研究顯示，一些種類的刻板印象有著中至高度的準確性[2]，而且一些研究和後續的研究，可能會一再證實某些刻板印象的準確性[3]。

概說

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刻板印象的來源大多是因為個人沒有足夠的時間去了解某個個體所致。例如說當我們看到長得魁梧、紋身，戴黑色太陽眼鏡、臉孔嚇人且穿著黑西裝的壯漢，很可能會將他誤認為黑社會人物。又例如某電影中，主角是一般社會大眾印象下的壞人，則判定該電影為「歌頌罪惡」的影片。刻板印象愛好者容易先把世事標籤化分類，再加以對目標物的種種現象歸納，支持其原先的刻板印象。例如一位正義英雄型人物因醉酒與自己伴侶以外的女性發生性行為，令對方懷孕並誕下私生子，應該是遭「奸人所害」。

刻板印象常常是相對負面的，不過刻板印象並非全是負面的，有些刻板印象是正面的，正面的刻板印象即所謂的「正面刻板印象」（Positive stereotype）。正面刻板印象可能造成正面或負面的影響。[4]

刻板印象一旦形成，若不客觀理解，則很難加以改變，亦可能造成同類型人的困擾，即使是正面的刻板印象，如「亞洲人數理強」、「亞斯伯格症患者很擅長且適合搞電腦程式」等，都可能對當事人造成困擾和負面影響。[4]不過，出色的公共關係手法，可以改善當事人原先給標籤的刻板印象，創造出第二印象，社會心理學又稱之為「最後印象」，例如一位富翁一生對人對己都「節儉」，意想不到原來遺囑指定，將遺產全數捐贈作慈善，感動了法官。

刻板印象在某些專制社會、或民主制度較不發達的國家也容易為有心的政治人物、政黨、或他們的支持者所利用，例如透過各種管道（媒體、宣傳等）普遍散佈敵對政治陣營的負面形象，或刻意宣揚有利於己身立場的事件，以便塑造本身陣營的正面刻板形象或敵方的負面刻板印象。[原創研究？]

刻板印象在我們的生活中，表示於部分的、片面的、不正常的、不完全的。然而刻板印象代表內團體(小圈子)對外團體(其他團體)成員的普遍化概論。

外顯性

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外顯的刻板印象

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外顯的刻板印象指的是人們有所認知且用以論斷他人的刻板印象，如果今天某甲對屬於某團體的某乙做出論斷，而某甲對於那團體有著一定的成見，那他多少能用有意識的控制來調和自己的決策偏見；然而，有意識地嘗試改變因偏見而形成的刻板印象、以達成不偏私的努力常會失敗，而這是因為人們常會低估或高估因為刻板印象而形成的偏見所致。

內隱的刻板印象

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內隱的刻板印象指的是存在於一個人潛意識中、未被察覺到、不受控制的刻板印象。[5]

在社會心理學中，刻板印象指的是關於某類人或行為、且廣泛受認可的任何想法，而這種想法出現的目的，是為了要對這類人或行為所組成的群體給出一個作為整體的代表所致；[6]而這些想法可能準確地或不準確地反映事實。[7][8]在心理學以及其他領域中，有著多種不同的關於刻板印象的概念和理論，這些概念彼此有相似之處，也有相衝突之處；此外，即使在社會科學以及一些心理學的分支中，在像是對其他文化等不同團體做出假定時，刻板印象有時也有可能重現並在一些理論的框架中得到識別。[9]

與其他團體間態度的關聯

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一般認為，刻板印象、偏見、種族主義和歧視等[10]是彼此相關但不同的概念，[11][12][13][14]在這其中，刻板印象常被認為是最認知性的成分，且常常在無意識的狀況下出現；偏見則更多是刻板印象的情感性成分；而歧視則是偏見回應的行為成分。[11][12][15]在這種族群間態度的三分觀點中，刻板印象反映了對歸屬不同團體的成員的預期與信念；偏見則反映了對此的情緒反應；而歧視則反映了行為。[11][12]

盡管刻板印象、偏見、和歧視相關，這三者可獨立於彼此存在，[12][16]根據丹尼爾·卡茨（Daniel Katz）和肯尼斯·布拉利（Kenneth Braly）的研究，在人們對團體的名字出現情緒性反應、將特質賦予團體成員並評估這些特質時，刻板印象可導致對種族的偏見。[13]

以下為刻板印象可能帶來的偏見效應：[8]

  • 合理化欠缺基礎的偏見或忽視
  • 不願重新思考自己的態度和行為
  • 阻止一些受刻板印象影響的團體的成員參與某些活動或領域，或在這些活動或領域中獲得成功。[17]

情境

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Susan Fiske（英语：Susan Fiske）等人2002年發表的《根據感受溫暖與競爭力而來的四大類刻板印象》（Four types of stereotypes resulting from combinations of perceived warmth and competence）一文的刻板印象情境模型（英语：Stereotype content model）。

刻板印象的情境指稱人們對一個團體的特性的想法的屬性，對刻板印象的研究通常關注人們對他人的想法，而非刻板印象背後的理由與機制。[18]

高爾頓·威拉德·奧爾波特等人提出的早期對刻板印象的理論假定說刻板印象必然是對外團體的反感而形成的，[19][20]像例如卡茨（Katz）和布拉利（Braly）在其1933年做的經典研究中聲稱種族刻板印象必然是負面的。[18]

然而，更近期的刻板印象模型（英语：Stereotype content model）認為，刻板印象未必是負面的，且不同刻板印象會在「溫暖」（warmth）和「競爭力」（competence）這兩個向度上有所不同，而溫暖和競爭力這兩者分別與缺乏競爭與社會地位有關。不與自身所屬的內團體競爭相同資源（像例如大學空間）的團體被認為是溫暖的；而地位高的團體（像是經濟或教育上成功的團體）則被認為是有競爭力的。而外團體根據其在溫暖與競爭力高低，會引發不同的情感。[21]這模型解釋了說為何一些外團體被讚賞但不被喜愛；而其他的一些外團體被喜愛但不受尊敬。這模型已在多個國家與國際樣本上受到實證檢驗，且能可靠地預測刻板印象的情境。[19][22]

功能

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早期的研究認為刻板印象只為死板、壓抑且專制的人所使用，但這主意已受到當代研究否定，當代研究認為刻板印象已經相當普遍，且刻板印象是團體的集體信仰，也就是說屬於同樣社會團體的人會有著相同的刻板印象。[16]

現代的研究認為要徹底了解刻板印象，就要了解兩個彼此互補的認知，也就是在特定文化或次文化團體內部共享的想法，和在個人心中形成的想法。[23]

認知與社會功能間的關係

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刻板印象在人際關係中有認知功能，在團體關係中也有社會功能；[8][16]若要刻板印象 發揮其社會功能，一個人必須先認同自己是團體的成員，而作為團體成員的事實也必須是這人重要的一部分。[16]克雷格·麥葛提（Craig McGarty）、羅素·斯皮爾斯（Russell Spears）和樊尚·伊澤拜（Vincent Y. Yzerbyt）等人在2002年指出，刻板印象的認知功能和社會功能最好以其彼此間的關係來理解。[24]

形成

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實行

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準確性

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效果

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刻板印象在藝術與文化中的角色

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常見的刻板印象

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以下為一些常見的刻板印象：

更多信息：性別角色
「女生心機重、喜歡在背地裡搞小動作」、「男生活潑好動、女生比較文靜」、「男主外，女主內」、「男生唸理工，女生唸人文」[25]等等都是性別刻板印象。這種印象常常造成在工作上對於性別的歧視，例如男護士或是女司機，同時亦造成人際相處上的阻礙。若將這些思想付诸實踐，即成為性別歧視。
性別刻板印象甚至會對科學研究造成錯誤，一個例子是在瑞典比爾卡發現的比爾卡女性維京戰士（Birka female Viking warrior），比爾卡女性維京戰士的墳墓剛被發掘時，人們因為墓主的戰士身分而假定墓主是男性，並認定墓中的女性骨骸不是墓主，而是陪葬的女性，直到後來對墓主的骨頭的詳細研究出來後，人們才逐漸理解墓主是個女性戰士，墓中的女性骨骸是身為女性戰士的墓主本人，因此古代對女性維京戰士的傳說未必是想像。
例如：「同性戀的人全部都是愛滋病患者」、「0號男同志都很女性化」、「女同志必有一方很男性化」、「男同性恋就是愛肛交」、「外表較陰柔、著重外表打扮或喜愛鍛鍊肌肉的男生就是gay」、「gay都喜歡很man身材粗曠的男生」、「雙性戀男女通吃、很好色」等等，都属于性傾向刻板印象。這種印象往往造成大眾對同性戀者的歧視。
  • 地區、國家或種族刻板印象
更多信息：族群刻板印象
例如「法國與浪漫的關联」[26]（法國人所厭惡的刻板印象）、「日本人都愛吃生魚片」、「美國人都很胖」、「美國人很浪費」、「非裔美國人參與零元購」、「德國人一板一眼、約會很準時」、「亞洲人是書呆子」、「亞洲人數學都很好」、「華人都会功夫」、「黑人都會彈BASS」、「韓國美女都是整形出來的」、「大陸人都很沒有水準」、「台灣人都理盲濫情」、「俄羅斯人都很粗犷豪放（『戰鬥民族』）」、「閩人狹險，楚人輕易，今二相皆閩人，二參政皆楚人，必將援引鄉黨之士，充塞朝廷，風俗何以更得淳厚？」[27]、「秦，虎狼之國，不可信，不如毋行」[28]、「鄉下人老實，城市人狡詐」等即為地區/族群刻板印象。
更多信息：外貌魅力偏見
例如「体态肥胖的人都贪吃，体形消瘦的人有疾病。」「長得高的是哥哥，長得矮的是弟弟」、「頭腦簡單，四肢發達」、「新的科技製造的東西永远比舊的好、比舊的有效率」、「刻板印象是不準確的」等皆為其例；另外中國大陸的男子給一些人的印象是以方形平頭為髮型且語氣粗獷，但並非代表所有中國大陸的男子皆然。
另外一些作品中會藉由外表的刻板印象來刻劃角色，像例如漫畫中的人物造型，常以尖嘴猴腮的有錢人做為壞人的形象，便是一個例子。
  • 此外一些人對機器造型會有刻板印象。例子如下：
超級跑車等於中置後驅局佈才易保持穩定，當然早在數十年前的猛車只可以用這種笨方法，實際上新世紀的設計師可以用懸掛系統等其他巧妙的設計達到同樣效果。
早期噴射戰鬥機採用機頭進氣的佈局，所以是沒有雷達的，實際上早在五十年代初的F-86已經擁有雷達，而二十一世紀經現代化改裝過的米格-21，甚至可以發射引導中程空對空導彈作超視距空戰。
  • 喜好刻板印象
例如：「看獵奇向內容的人都是邪惡且殘酷的心理變態」、「熱愛運動的男性身心健康」、「懂音樂的男性就是很有氣質」、「喜歡動物的女性都心地善良」、「喜歡音樂的孩子不會變壞」、「喜歡動漫電玩的是性犯罪和暴力犯罪的預備軍」等就是對擁有個別興趣的人的刻板印象。事實上，即使擁有共同興趣的人的性格都是不同的，不能一概而論。
把政黨、報紙或人物簡單分為左派、右派、自由派、保守派、泛藍、泛綠（台灣）或是民主派、建制派（香港），或是將特定政黨或政治立場（如前述的那些及擁核、反核、支持墮胎、反對墮胎、支持多元成家、反對多元成家等）以及相關人士掛上「暴力」、「一高二低」、「不理性」、「理盲濫情」、「偽善」、「沒同理心」、「偏激」、「保守」或其他各種的標籤。
如把年紀較大的女性等同於強氣，一同稱為御姐，或認為「老一輩的老闆的都是慣老闆」、「老人思想古板，不願接受新觀念」，或者是「小孩子办不好事」、「年輕人只會嘴砲」。
  • 身份或社經地位刻板印象
如「唸理工科的男生都很宅」、「公務員很混」、「亞斯伯格症患者都是數學天才、善於電腦程式」、「現實的人沒有夢想」、「充滿幻想的人不現實、很單純、沒什麼心機」、「商人重利輕別離」、「人權團體對中國一直存有偏見」、「中國很落後」、「信仰虔誠的人都是好人」、「常讀宗教經典的人都是信仰虔誠的人」、「法律人冷酷無情」、「媒體只会对真相进行选择性报导，引导舆论风向」、「8+9是群成天惹是生非的屁孩」等即是其例。

參考

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  17. ^ Tilcsik, András. Pride and Prejudice: Employment Discrimination against Openly Gay Men in the United States. American Journal of Sociology. 2011, 117 (2): 586–626. PMID 22268247. S2CID 23542996. doi:10.1086/661653. hdl:1807/34998. 
  18. ^ 18.0 18.1 Operario, Don; Fiske, Susan T. Stereotypes: Content, Structures, Processes, and Context. Brown, Rupert; Gaertner, Samuel L (编). Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes. Malden, MA: Blackwell. 2003: 22–44. ISBN 978-1-4051-0654-2. 
  19. ^ 19.0 19.1 Fiske, Susan T.; Cuddy, Amy J. C.; Glick, Peter; Xu, Jun. A Model of (Often Mixed) Stereotype Content: Competence and Warmth Respectively Follow From Perceived Status and Competition (PDF). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 2002, 82 (6): 878–902 [2022-03-04]. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.320.4001 可免费查阅. PMID 12051578. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.82.6.878. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2019-04-02）. 
  20. ^ Cuddy, Amy J. C.; Fiske, Susan T. Doddering But Dear: Process, Content, and Function in Stereotyping of Older Persons. Nelson, Todd D (编). Ageism: Stereotyping and Prejudice against Older Persons. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 2002: 7–8. ISBN 978-0-262-14077-5. 
  21. ^ Dovidio, John F.; Gaertner, Samuel L. Intergroup Bias. Susan T., Fiske; Gilbert, Daniel T.; Lindzey, Gardner (编). Handbook of Social Psychology Two 5th. Hooboken, N.J.: John Wiley. 2010: 1085. ISBN 978-0-470-13747-5. 
  22. ^ Cuddy, Amy J. C.; et al. Stereotype content model across cultures: Towards universal similarities and some differences (PDF). British Journal of Social Psychology. 2009, 48 (1): 1–33 [2022-03-04]. PMC 3912751 可免费查阅. PMID 19178758. doi:10.1348/014466608X314935. （原始内容存档 (PDF)于2018-07-12）. 
  23. ^ Macrae CN, Stangor C, Hewstone M. (eds.) "Stereotypes and stereotyping." 1995, p. 4
  24. ^ McGarty, Craig; Spears, Russel; Yzerbyt, Vincent Y. Conclusion: stereotypes are selective, variable and contested explanations. Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups有限度免费查阅，超限则需付费订阅. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2002: 186–199. ISBN 978-0-521-80047-1. 
  25. ^ 張德齡. 洪蘭：讀女校可以打破「男生讀理工、女生念人文」的刻板印象. 商業周刊 - 商周.com. 2016-05-26 [2017-09-05]. （原始内容存档于2019-05-16）. 
  26. ^ 謝芷霖. 醒醒啊！法國跟你想的不一樣. 天下雜誌. 2016-08-06 [2017-08-03]. （原始内容存档于2020-04-01） （中文（臺灣））. 
  27. ^ 《續資治通鑑》卷67. 
  28. ^ 屈原列傳. 《史記》. 

參見

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