現代標準漢語音系

本文總結了標準漢語的音系。

標準漢語是由以北京官話為基礎音，廣泛通行於華人地區的語言。標準漢語共有四種聲調，並在弱音節中使用輕聲。

本文使用國際音標為主要標音系統，並與拼音、注音二系統相互進行比較。關於其他的中文標音系統，請參見威妥瑪拼音、國語羅馬字與漢字拉丁化。

輔音

下表使用國際音標轉錄了標準漢語的輔音。括號中顯示的聲音通常不會作為獨立音素進行分析（相關資訊請參考下文的齦齶音）。若不包括括號中的音，標準漢語中有19個輔音音素。

		唇	齒、 齒齦	捲舌	齦顎	軟顎
鼻音		m	n			ŋ
塞音	送氣	pʰ	tʰ			kʰ
	不送氣	p	t			k
塞擦音	送氣		t͡sʰ	ʈ͡ʂʰ	(t͡ɕʰ)
	不送氣		t͡s	ʈ͡ʂ	(t͡ɕ)
擦音		f	s	ʂ	(ɕ)	x
流音			l	ɻ

同一個表格中的一對輔音使用同樣的發音器官與發音方法，而兩者之間的主要差別在於送氣與否。雖然表格中並沒有濁音，在弱音節的不送氣清音也可能變濁音（參見下文的Syllable reduction）。這些輔音在拼音系統中的符號在羅曼語族中普遍都用以區分清／濁音（如[p] 和 [b]），在日耳曼語族中則用以區分強音與弱音（字首的不送氣清音與濁音，如[pʰ] 與 [b]）。然而這在拼音系統中卻用來區分送氣／不送氣音，例如/pʰ/ 與 /p/ 分別以 p 與 b 表示。

下方的表格是關於輔音的詳細資訊，並與英語的輔音做比較：

音素	描述	拼音	注音	註解
/p/	同英語不送氣的 p ，如 spy	b	ㄅ
/pʰ/	同英語送氣的 p，如 pie	p	ㄆ
/m/	同英語的 m	m	ㄇ
/f/	同英語的 f	f	ㄈ
/t/	同英語不送氣的 t ，如 sty	d	ㄉ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/tʰ/	同英語送氣的 t, 如 tie	t	ㄊ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/n/	同英語的 n	n	ㄋ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。此音素（即不考慮國際音標以外的拼音系統）可以出現在音節首和／或音節尾。
/l/	同英語的「明l」音，如標準英音的 lay	l	ㄌ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/k/	同英語不送氣的 k，如 sky	g	ㄍ
/kʰ/	同英語送氣的 k，如 key	k	ㄎ
/ŋ/	同英語的 ng，如 sing	ng	ㄥ或ㄫ	只出現在音節尾
/x/ ([h ~ x])	音素 h 的發音在英語的 hat 與德語的 Bach之間。	h	ㄏ
/s/	同英語的 s，但通常舌頭會抵住下排牙齒	s	ㄙ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/t͡s/	同英語不送氣的 ts ，如 cats	z	ㄗ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/t͡sʰ/	同英語送氣的 ts	c	ㄑ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
[ɕ]	與 sh 相似但用齦顎發音。	x	ㄒ	參見下文的齦齶音段落。
[t͡ɕ]	與英語不送氣的 ch 相似但用齦顎發音。	j	ㄐ	參見下文的齦齶音段落。
[t͡ɕʰ]	同上，但送氣	q	ㄑ	參見下文的齦齶音段落。
/ʂ/	類似英語的 sh 但捲舌	sh	ㄕ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/ʈ͡ʂ/	類似英語的 ch （如 chat）但不送氣，且捲舌	zh	ㄓ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/ʈ͡ʂʰ/	同上，但送氣	ch	ㄔ	參見下文的齒齒齦與捲舌音段落。
/ɻ/ （[ɻ～ʐ]）	與英語以 r 開頭的字（如room）相似但捲舌	r	ㄖ	關於此音素在意字尾的使用，請參見下文的兒化段落。

以上幾乎所有輔音都可能出現在音節首，唯一的例外是/ŋ/（除非在零聲母的情況；見下文）。相對地，能夠出現在音節尾的輔音僅有/n/以及/ŋ/而已（雖然[m]也可以作為/n/在唇音前的同位異音）。音節尾的/n/、/ŋ/音發音時，氣流通路可能未被完全阻礙，導致字尾的鼻輔音與元音結合，變成一個鼻音化的長元音。參見下文的Syllable reduction段落。

齒齒齦音與捲舌音

上文第一個表格中的齒齒齦音（標註為齒、齒齦）有時候被當作是齒齦音，而有時候被當作是齒音. 這些擦音與塞擦音更常被當作是齒音，由於大多數的語言使用者在發此音時是使用舌頭與下排牙齒。

而標準漢語的捲舌音，事實上是舌尖音而非舌尖下音，也因此部分學者認為這些輔音並非真的「捲舌」；更準確地來說，它們是齒齦後音。 許多標準漢語使用者的母語中並沒有捲舌音，因此它們可能會將這些音發成齒音。

齦齶音

齦齶音 [t͡ɕ, t͡ɕʰ, ɕ]（j/ㄐ, q/ㄑ, x/ㄒ）會被某些使用者發音成顎化的齒音：[t͡sʲ]、[t͡sʰʲ]與[sʲ]。這種情況在兒童和女性中尤為常見。

在音韻學的分析中時常假設：當齦齶音沒有[i]或[y]等高元音緊接在後時，它們會自動產生一個與其相黏的半元音（[j]或[ɥ]）。也就是說，以ji-, qi-, xi-, ju-, qu-, xu-為首的音節 (followed by a vowel) are taken to begin [t͡ɕj], [t͡ɕʰj], [ɕj], [t͡ɕɥ], [t͡ɕʰɥ], [ɕɥ]. The actual pronunciations are more like [t͡ɕ], [t͡ɕʰ], [ɕ], [t͡ɕʷ], [t͡ɕʰʷ], [ɕʷ] (or for speakers using the dental variants, [t͡sʲ], [t͡sʰʲ], [sʲ], [t͡sᶣ], [t͡sʰᶣ], [sᶣ]). This is consistent with the general observation (see under glides) that medial glides are realized as palatalization and/or labialization of the preceding consonant (palatalization already being inherent in the case of the palatals).

On the above analysis, the alveolo-palatals are in complementary distribution with the dentals [t͡s, t͡sʰ, s], with the velars [k, kʰ, x], and with the retroflexes [ʈ͡ʂ, ʈ͡ʂʰ, ʂ], as none of these can occur before high front vowels or palatal glides, whereas the alveolo-palatals occur only before high front vowels or palatal glides. Therefore, linguists often prefer to classify [t͡ɕ, t͡ɕʰ, ɕ] not as independent phonemes, but as allophones of one of the other three series. The existence of the above-mentioned dental variants inclines some to prefer to identify the alveolo-palatals with the dentals, but identification with any of the three series is possible (unless the empty rime is identified with /i/, in which case the velars become the only candidate; see below). The Yale and Wade–Giles systems mostly treat the alveolo-palatals as allophones of the retroflexes; Tongyong Pinyin mostly treats them as allophones of the dentals; and 現行盲文 treats them as allophones of the velars. In standard pinyin and bopomofo, however, they are represented as a separate sequence.

The alveolo-palatals arose historically from a merger of the dentals [t͡s, t͡sʰ, s] and velars [k, kʰ, x] before high front vowels and glides. Previously, some instances of modern [t͡ɕ(ʰ)i] were instead [k(ʰ)i], and others were [t͡s(ʰ)i] . The change took place in the last two or three centuries at different times in different areas, but not in the Jianghuai dialect used at the imperial court. This explains why some European transcriptions of Chinese names (especially in postal romanization) contain ki-, hi-, tsi- or si- where an alveolo-palatal might be expected. Examples are Peking for Beijing, Chungking for Chongqing, Fukien for Fujian, Tientsin for Tianjin; Sinkiang for Xinjiang, and Sian for Xi'an. The complementary distribution with the retroflex series arose when syllables that had a retroflex consonant followed by a medial glide lost the medial glide.

零聲母

在像是 ai（ㄞ）的音節中，母音前並沒有任何的輔音或glide，這樣的情況就稱為零聲母。即使漢語拼音與注音符號皆未標出，[ɣ]、[ʔ]、[ŋ]與[ɦ] 皆有可能是實際上的輔音，有人認為這樣的開頭當作為一種特殊的音素，or as an instance of the phoneme /ŋ/, although it can also be treated as no phoneme (absence of onset). By contrast, in the case of the particle 啊 a, which is a weak onsetless syllable, linking occurs with the previous syllable (as described under Syllable reduction, below).

When a stressed vowel-initial Chinese syllable follows a consonant-final syllable, the consonant does not directly link with the vowel. Instead, the zero onset seems to intervene in between. 棉袄 mián'ǎo ("cotton jacket") becomes [mjɛnʔau], [mjɛnɣau]. However, in connected speech none of these output forms is natural. Instead, when the words are spoken together the most natural pronunciation is [mjɛ̃ːau], in which there is no nasal closure or any version of the zero onset.

半元音

半元音[j]、[ɥ]和[w]的聲音分別像是英語的 yes、法語的huit和英語的 we。（北京方言使用者當遇到[o]出現在[w]後時，會將[w]替換成唇齒近音[ʋ]。The glides are commonly analyzed not as independent phonemes, but as consonantal allophones of the high vowels: [i̯, y̯, u̯]. This is possible because there is no ambiguity in interpreting a sequence like yao/-iao as /iau/, and potentially problematic sequences such as */iu/ do not occur.

這些半元音可能出現在音節首。This occurs with [ɥ] in the syllables written yu, yuan, yue and yun in pinyin; with [j] in other syllables written with initial y in pinyin (ya, yi, etc.); and with [w] in syllables written with initial w in pinyin (wa, wu, etc.). When a glide is followed by the vowel of which that glide is considered an allophone, the glide may be regarded as epenthetic (automatically inserted), and not as a separate realization of the phoneme. Hence the syllable yi, pronounced [ji], may be analyzed as consisting of the single phoneme /i/, and similarly yin may be analyzed as /in/, yu as /y/, and wu as /u/.

這些半元音也可能出現在medial position, ，也就是 after the initial consonant but before the main vowel. Here they are represented in pinyin as vowels: for example, the i in bie represents [j], and the u in duan represents [w]. There are some restrictions on the possible consonant-glide combinations: [w] does not occur after labials (except for some speakers in bo, po, mo, fo); [j] does not occur after retroflexes and velars (or after [f]); and [ɥ] occurs medially only in lüe and nüe and after alveolo-palatals (for which see above.) A consonant-glide combination at the start of a syllable is articulated as a single sound – the glide is not in fact pronounced after the consonant, but is realized as palatalization [ʲ], labialization [ʷ], or both [ᶣ], of the consonant. (The same modifications of initial consonants occur in syllables where they are followed by a high vowel, although normally no glide is considered to be present there. Hence a consonant is generally palatalized [ʲ] when followed by /i/, labialized [ʷ] when followed by /u/, and both [ᶣ] when followed by /y/.)

The glides [j] and [w] are also found as the final element in some syllables. These are commonly analyzed as diphthongs rather than vowel-glide sequences. For example, the syllable bai is assigned the underlying representation /pai̯/. (In pinyin, the second element is generally written i or u, but /au̯/ is written ao.)

音節輔音

標準漢語中共有七組音節 zi／ㄗ、ci／ㄘ、si／ㄙ、zhi／ㄓ、chi／ㄔ、shi／ㄕ 與 ri／ㄖ可以被視為音節輔音：

• [ɹ̩ ~ z̩]，即齒化的濁舌端齒齦持續音，用於zi／ㄗ、ci／ㄘ、si／ㄙ；
• [ɻ̩ ~ ʐ̩]，即濁舌端卷舌持續音，用於zhi／ㄓ、chi／ㄔ、shi／ㄕ 與 ri／ㄖ。

另一種理解方式則將其音節核當成元音，而非音節輔音：

• [ɯ]，即不圓唇的[u]，用於zi／ㄗ、ci／ㄘ、si／ㄙ；
• [ɨ]，即俄文的ы，用於zhi／ㄓ、chi／ㄔ、shi／ㄕ 與 ri／ㄖ。

Phonologically, these syllables may be analyzed as having their own vowel phoneme, /ɨ/. However, it is possible to merge this with the phoneme /i/ (with which it is historically related), since the two are in complementary distribution – provided that the alveolo-palatal series is either left unmerged, or is merged with the velars rather than the retroflex or alveolar series. (That is, [t͡ɕi], [t͡sɨ] and [ʈ͡ʂɨ] all exist, but there is neither *[ki] nor *[kɨ], so there is no problem merging both [i]~[ɨ] and [k]~[t͡ɕ] at the same time.)

Another approach is to regard the syllables assigned above to /ɨ/ as having (underlyingly) an empty nuclear slot ("empty rime", Chinese （中文）), i.e. as not containing a vowel phoneme at all. This is more consistent with the syllabic consonant description of these syllables.

當音節減弱時，音節輔音也可能出現（見下文）。在某些感嘆詞中也會聽到鼻音化的音節輔音；這些詞的發音包括[m]、[n]、[ŋ]、[hm]與[hŋ]等。

元音

• 標準漢語元音
• 
  北京使用的標準漢語單元音（來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。
• 
  北京使用的標準漢語雙元音（第一部分，來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。
• 
  北京使用的標準漢語雙元音（第二部分，來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。

標準漢語共有五個音素：/i, u, y, ǝ, a/。（有關其他可能的分析討論，包括一些元音的數量應該更少等，請參閱下文。）/i, u, y/是高元音，/ǝ/是中元音，而/a/是低元音。

每個元音的實際發音取決於其語音環境。尤其是元音/ə/，它有兩個寬泛的同位異音[e]與[o]（大多數情況下分別對應拼音e/ㄝ和o/ㄛ）。由於這三個元音具有互補分布的現象，故將其當成一個元音。然而，這種理論中也存在著反例：感嘆詞，如「喔」、「誒」、「唷」或「囉」等（IPA分別記成[ɔ]、[ɛ]、[jɔ]與[lɔ]）但這些例子通常被視為在正常語音系統之外的特殊情況。

同位異音

同位異音（即同一元音在特定語音環境中的不同發音方式）在不同來源之間有不同的轉錄方式。下表提供了一組典型的描述（不包括兒化音）。

音節核		/i/		/u/				/y/		/ə/								/a/								音節化輔音
中間位		∅		∅		/j/		∅		∅		/j/		/zhwiki/w/		/ɥ/		∅		/j/		/zhwiki/w/		/ɥ/
音節尾	∅	[i]		[u]				[y]		[ɤ]		[je]		[wo]		[ɥe]		[a]		[ja]		[wa]				[ɨ]
		yi	ㄧ	wu	ㄨ			yu	ㄩ	e	ㄝ	ye	ㄧㄝ	wo	ㄨㄛ	yue	ㄩㄝ	a	ㄚ	ya	ㄧㄚ	wa	ㄨㄚ				ㄭ3
		-i		-u				-ü1		-e		-ie		-uo/-o2	ㄨㄛ/ㄛ2	-üe1		-a		-ia		-ua				-i
	/i/									[ei̯]				[wei̯]				[ai̯]				[wai̯]
										ei	ㄟ			wei	ㄨㄟ			ai	ㄞ			wai	ㄨㄞ
										-ei				-ui				-ai				-uai
	/u/									[ou̯]		[jou̯]						[au̯]		[jau̯]
										ou	ㄡ	you	ㄧㄡ					ao	ㄠ	yao	ㄧㄠ
										-ou		-iu						-ao		-iao
	/n/	[in]						[yn]		[ən]				[wən]				[an]		[jɛn]		[wan]		[ɥɛn]
		yin	ㄧㄣ					yun	ㄩㄣ	en	ㄣ			wen	ㄨㄣ			an	ㄢ	yan	ㄧㄢ	wan	ㄨㄢ	yuan	ㄩㄢ
		-in						-ün1		-en				-un				-an		-ian		-uan		-üan1
	/ŋ/	[iŋ]		[ʊŋ]		[jʊŋ]				[əŋ]				[wəŋ]				[aŋ]		[jaŋ]		[waŋ]
		ying	ㄧㄥ			yong	ㄩㄥ			eng	ㄥ			weng	ㄨㄥ			ang	ㄤ	yang	ㄧㄤ	wang	ㄨㄤ
		-ing		-ong	ㄨㄥ	-iong				-eng								-ang		-iang		-uang

¹ 拼音ü 在 j、q或x後寫成 u，注音則皆為ㄩ。

² 拼音uo在b、p、m或f後寫成o；注音ㄨㄛ在ㄅ、ㄆ、ㄇ或ㄈ後寫成ㄛ。

³ 符號「ㄭ」僅作為發音輔助說明用，實際上於拼寫時不寫出。

下表提供了關於單一元音之同位異音的更多細節。

音素	同位異音	描述（英文）
/i/	[i]	如英文be
/u/	[u]	如英文do
	[ʊ]	根據使用者的語音習慣，此音介於[o]與[u]之間。
/y/	[y]	如法語的u或德語的ü
/ǝ/	[e]	如英文bed
	[o]	如英式英語的awe
	[ɤ]	發音同[ɰɤ].
	[ə]	Schwa, 如英文about.
/a/	[a]	如英文father
	[ɛ]	根據使用者的語音習慣，此音介於[e]與[a]之間。

As a general rule, vowels in open syllables (those which have no coda following the main vowel) are pronounced long, while others are pronounced short. This does not apply to weak syllables, in which all vowels are short.

音節尾對中央元音的影響

In Standard Chinese, the vowels [a] and [ə] harmonize in backness with the resulting coda. For [a], it is fronted [a̟] before /i, n/ and backed [a̠] before /u, ŋ/. For [ə], it is fronted [ə̟] before /n/ and backed [ə̠] before /ŋ/.

Effect of tone on mid vowel

Some native Mandarin speakers may pronounce [wei̯], [jou̯] and [wən] as [ui], [iu] and [un] respectively in the first or second tone.

Alternative analyses

Some linguists prefer to reduce the number of vowel phonemes still further (at the expense of including underlying glides in their systems). Edwin G. Pulleyblank has proposed a system which includes underlying glides, but no vowels at all. More common are systems with two vowels; for example, in Mantaro Hashimoto's system, there are just two vowel nuclei, /ə, a/, which may be preceded by a glide /j, w, ɥ/, and may be followed by a coda /i, u, n, ŋ/ (additional sequences are afforded by the rhotic coda /ɚ̯/; see Erhua). The various combinations of glide, vowel, and coda have different surface manifestations, as shown in the table below. Any of the three positions may be empty, i.e. occupied by a null meta-phoneme ∅; for example, the high vowels [i, u, y] are analyzed as glide + ∅, and the vowel [ɨ] or empty rime is analyzed as having all three values null, e.g. si [sɨ] is analyzed as an underlying syllabic /s̩/.

音節核		∅	/ə/					/a/
音節尾			∅	/i/	/u/	/n/	/ŋ/	∅	/i/	/u/	/n/	/ŋ/
中間位	∅	[ɨ] -i	[ɤ] e -e	[ei̯] ei -ei	[ou̯] ou -ou	[ən] en -en	[əŋ] eng -eng	[a] a -a	[ai̯] ai -ai	[au̯] ao -ao	[an] an -an	[aŋ] ang -ang
	/j/	[i] yi -i	[je] ye -ie		[jou̯] you -iu	[in] yin -in	[iŋ] ying -ing	[ja] ya -ia		[jau̯] yao -iao	[jɛn] yan -ian	[jaŋ] yang -iang
	/zhwiki/w/	[u] wu -u	[wo] wo -uo2	[wei̯] wei -ui		[wən] wen -un	[wəŋ], [ʊŋ] weng -ong	[wa] wa -ua	[wai̯] wai -uai		[wan] wan -uan	[waŋ] wang -uang
	/ɥ/	[y] yu -ü1	[ɥe] yue -üe1			[yn] yun -ün1	[jʊŋ] yong -iong				[ɥɛn] yuan -üan1

¹ ü is written as u after j, q, or x.

² uo is written as o after b, p, m, or f.

This system of phonemes is used in the bopomofo phonetic transcription system commonly used in Taiwan.

兒化

主条目：兒化

Standard Chinese features syllables that end with a rhotic coda /ɚ/. This feature, known in Chinese as erhua, is particularly characteristic of the Beijing dialect; many other dialects do not use it as much, and some not at all. It occurs in two cases:

1. In a small number of independent words or morphemes pronounced [ɚ] or [aɚ̯], written in pinyin as er (with some tone), such as 二 èr "two", 耳 ěr "ear", and 儿 (traditional 兒) ér "son".
2. In syllables in which the rhotic coda is added as a suffix to another morpheme. This suffix is represented by the character 儿 [兒] ("son"), to which meaning it is historically related, and in pinyin as r. The suffix combines with the final sound of the syllable, and regular but complex sound changes occur as a result (described in detail under erhua).

The r final is pronounced with a relatively lax tongue, and has been described as a "retroflex vowel".

In dialects that do not make use of the rhotic coda, it may be omitted in pronunciation, or in some cases a different word may be selected: for example, Beijing 这儿 zhèr "here" and 那儿 nàr "there" may be replaced by the synonyms 这里 zhèli and 那里 nàli.

Syllables

Syllables in Standard Chinese have the maximal form CGVX^T, traditionally analysed as an "initial" consonant C, a "final" and a tone T. The final consists of a "medial" G, which may be one of the glides [j, w, ɥ], a vowel V and a coda X, which may be one of [n, ŋ, ɚ̯, i̯, u̯]. The vowel and coda may also be grouped as the "rhyme", sometimes spelled "rime". Any of C, G and X (and V, in some analyses) may be absent.

Many of the possible combinations under the above scheme do not actually occur. There are only some 35 final combinations (medial+rime) in actual syllables (see pinyin finals). In all, there are only about 400 different syllables when tone is ignored, and about 1300 when tone is included. This is a far smaller number of distinct syllables than in a language such as English. Since Chinese syllables usually constitute whole words, or at least morphemes, the smallness of the syllable inventory results in large numbers of homophones. However, in Standard Chinese, the average word length is actually almost exactly two syllables, practically eliminating most homophony issues even when tone is disregarded, especially when context is taken into account as well.

For a list of all Standard Chinese syllables (excluding tone and rhotic coda) see the pinyin table or zhuyin table.

Full and weak syllables

Syllables can be classified as full (or strong), and weak. Weak syllables are usually grammatical markers such as 了 le, or the second syllables of some compound words (although many other compounds consist of two or more full syllables).

A full syllable carries one of the four main tones, and some degree of stress. Weak syllables are unstressed, and have neutral tone. The contrast between full and weak syllables is distinctive; there are many minimal pairs such as 要事 yàoshì "important matter" and 钥匙 yàoshi "key", or 大意 dàyì "main idea" and (with the same characters) dàyi "careless", the second word in each case having a weak second syllable. Some linguists consider this contrast to be primarily one of stress, while others regard it as one of tone. For further discussion, see under Neutral tone and Stress, below.

There is also a difference in syllable length. Full syllables can be analyzed as having two morae ("heavy"), the vowel being lengthened if there is no coda. Weak syllables, however, have a single mora ("light"), and are pronounced approximately 50% shorter than full syllables. Any weak syllable will usually be an instance of the same morpheme (and written with the same character) as some corresponding strong syllable; the weak form will often have a modified pronunciation, however, as detailed in the following section.

Syllable reduction

Apart from differences in tone, length and stress, weak syllables are subject to certain other pronunciation changes (reduction).

• If a weak syllable begins with an unaspirated obstruent, such as (pinyin) b, d, g, z, j, that consonant may become voiced. For example, in 嘴巴 zuǐba ("mouth"), the second syllable is likely to begin with a [b] sound, rather than an unaspirated [p].
• The vowel of a weak syllable is often reduced, becoming more central. For example, in the word zuǐba just mentioned, the final vowel may become a schwa [ə].
• The coda (final consonant or offglide) of a weak syllable is often dropped (this is linked to the shorter, single-mora nature of weak syllables, as referred to above). If the dropped coda was a nasal consonant, the vowel may be nasalized. For example, 脑袋 nǎodai ("head") may end with a monophthong [ɛ] rather than a diphthong, and 春天 chūntian ("spring") may end with a centralized and nasalized vowel [ə̃].
• In some cases, the vowel may be dropped altogether. This may occur, particularly with high vowels, when the unstressed syllable begins with a fricative or an aspirated consonant; for example, 豆腐 dòufu ("tofu") may be said as dòu-f, and 问题 wènti ("question") as wèn-t (the remaining initial consonant is pronounced as a syllabic consonant). The same may even occur in full syllables that have low ("half-third") tone. The vowel (and coda) may also be dropped after a nasal, in such words as 我们 wǒmen ("we") and 什么 shénme ("what"), which may be said as wǒm and shém – these are examples of the merger of two syllables into one, which occurs in a variety of situations in connected speech.

The example of shénme → shém also involves assimilation, which is heard even in unreduced syllables in quick speech (for example, in guǎmbō for 广播 guǎngbō "broadcast"). A particular case of assimilation is that of the sentence-final exclamatory particle 啊 a, a weak syllable, which has different characters for its assimilated forms:

Preceding sound	Form of particle (pinyin)	Character
[ŋ], [ɨ]	a	啊
[i], [y], [e], [o], [a]	ya (from ŋja)	呀
[u]	wa	哇
[n]	na	哪
le (grammatical marker)	combines to form la	啦

Tones

「Four tones」重定向至此。关于the four traditional tones of Middle Chinese，请见「four tones (Middle Chinese)」。

Relative pitch changes of the four full tones

Standard Chinese, like all varieties of Chinese, is tonal. This means that in addition to consonants and vowels, the pitch contour of a syllable is used to distinguish words from each other. Many non-native Chinese speakers have difficulties mastering the tones of each character, but correct tonal pronunciation is essential for intelligibility because of the vast number of words in the language that only differ by tone (i.e. are minimal pairs with respect to tone). Statistically, tones are as important as vowels in Standard Chinese.

Tonal categories

The following table shows the four main tones of Standard Chinese, together with the neutral (or fifth) tone.

Tone number	1	2	3	4	5
Description	high	rising	low (dipping)	falling	neutral
Pinyin diacritic	ā	á	ǎ	à	a
Tone letter	˥ (55)	˧˥ (35)	˨˩, ˩, ˩˧, ˨˩˦ (21, 11, 13, 214)	˥˩ (51)	-
IPA diacritic	/á/	/ǎ/ [a᷄]	/à/ [à̤, a̤᷆, a̤᷅, a̤᷉]	/â/	-
Tone name	yīn píng	yáng píng	shǎng	qù	qīng shēng

標準漢語中四個主要的聲調，使用ma這個音節發音。

The Chinese names of the main four tones are respectively 阴平 [陰平] yīn píng ("dark level"), 阳平 [陽平] yáng píng ("light level"), 上 shǎng ("rising"), and 去 qù ("departing"). As descriptions, they apply rather to the predecessor Middle Chinese tones than to the modern tones; see below. The modern Standard Chinese tones are produced as follows:

1. First tone, or high-level tone, is a steady high sound, produced as if it were being sung instead of spoken. (In a few syllables the quality of the vowel is changed when it carries first tone; see the vowel table, above.)
2. Second tone, or rising tone, or more specifically high-rising, is a sound that rises from middle to high pitch (like in the English "What?!"). In a three-syllable expression, if the first syllable has first or second tone and the final syllable is not weak, then a second tone on the middle syllable may change to first tone.
3. Third tone, low or dipping tone, descends from mid-low to low; between other tones it may simply be low. This tone is often demonstrated as having a rise in pitch after the low fall; however, when a third-tone syllable is not said in isolation, this rise is normally heard only if it appears at the end of a sentence or before a pause, and then usually only on stressed monosyllables. The third tone without the rise is sometimes called half third tone. Third tone syllables that include the rise are significantly longer than other syllables. For further variation in syllables carrying this tone, see Third tone sandhi, below. Unlike the other tones, third tone is pronounced with breathiness or murmur.
4. Fourth tone, falling tone, or high-falling, features a sharp fall from high to low (as is heard in curt commands in English, such as "Stop!"). When followed by another fourth-tone syllable, the fall may be only from high to mid-level.
5. For the neutral tone or fifth tone, see the following section.

Most romanization systems, including pinyin, represent the tones as diacritics on the vowels (as does zhuyin), although some, like Wade–Giles, use superscript numbers at the end of each syllable. The tone marks and numbers are rarely used outside of language textbooks: in particular, they are usually absent in public signs, company logos, and so forth. Gwoyeu Romatzyh is a rare example of a system where tones are represented using normal letters of the alphabet (although without a one-to-one correspondence).

Neutral tone

Also called fifth tone or zeroth tone (in Chinese 轻声 [輕聲] qīngshēng, literal meaning: "light tone"), neutral tone is sometimes thought of as a lack of tone. It is associated with weak syllables, which are generally somewhat shorter than tonic syllables. The pitch of a syllable with neutral tone is determined by the tone of the preceding syllable. The following table shows the pitch at which the neutral tone is pronounced in Standard Chinese after each of the four main tones. The situation differs by dialect, and in some regions, notably Taiwan, the neutral tone is relatively uncommon.

Realization of neutral tones

Tone of preceding syllable	Pitch of neutral tone (5=high, 1=low)	Example	Pinyin	Meaning	Overall tone pattern
First ˥	˨ ( ꜋ ) 2	玻璃	bōli	glass	˥.˨ ( ˥꜋ )
Second ˧˥	˧ ( ꜊ ) 3	伯伯	bóbo	uncle	˧˥.˧ ( ˧˥꜊ )
Third ˨˩	˦ ( ꜉ ) 4	喇叭	lǎba	horn	˨˩.˦ ( ˨˩꜉ )
Fourth ˥˩	˩ ( ꜌ ) 1	兔子	tùzi	rabbit	˥˩.˩ ( ˥˩꜌ )

Although the contrast between weak and full syllables is often distinctive, the neutral tone is often not described as a full-fledged tone; some linguists feel that it results from a "spreading out" of the tone on the preceding syllable. This idea is appealing because without it, the neutral tone needs relatively complex tone sandhi rules to be made sense of; indeed, it would have to have four allotones, one for each of the four tones that could precede it. However, the "spreading" theory incompletely characterizes the neutral tone, especially in sequences where more than one neutral-tone syllable is found adjacent. Some words with a toneless final syllable variant (重·次轻词语) can be read with neutral tone or with the original tone.

Relationship between Middle Chinese and modern tones

The four tones of Middle Chinese are not in one-to-one correspondence with the modern tones. The following table shows the development of the traditional tones as reflected in modern Standard Chinese. The development of each tone depends on the initial consonant of the syllable: whether it was a voiceless consonant (denoted in the table by v−), a voiced obstruent (v+), or a sonorant (s). (The voiced–voiceless distinction has been lost in modern Standard Chinese.)

Middle Chinese	Tone	ping (平)			shang (上)			qu (去)			ru (入)
	Initial	v−	s	v+	v−	s	v+	v−	s	v+	v−	s	v+
Standard Chinese	Tone name	yin ping (1st)	yang ping (2nd)		shang (3rd)		qu (4th)				redistributed with no pattern	qu (4th)	yang ping (2nd)
	Tone contour	55	35		21(4)		51					51	35

Tone sandhi

Pronunciation also varies with context according to the rules of tone sandhi. Some such changes have been noted above in the descriptions of the individual tones; however, the most prominent phenomena of this kind relate to consecutive sequences of third-tone syllables. There are also a few common words that have variable tone.

Third tone sandhi

The principal rule of third tone sandhi is:

• When there are two consecutive third-tone syllables, the first of them is pronounced with second tone.

For example, lǎoshǔ ("mouse") comes to be pronounced láoshǔ [lau̯˧˥ʂu˨˩]. It has been investigated whether the rising contour (˧˥) on the prior syllable is in fact identical to a normal second tone; it has been concluded that it is, at least in terms of auditory perception.

When there are three or more third tones in a row, the situation becomes more complicated, since a third tone that precedes a second tone resulting from third tone sandhi may or may not be subject to sandhi itself. The results may depend on word boundaries, stress, and dialectal variations. General rules for three-syllable third-tone combinations can be formulated as follows:

1. If the first word is two syllables and the second word is one syllable, then the first two syllables become second tones. For example, bǎoguǎn hǎo takes the pronunciation báoguán hǎo [pau̯˧˥kwan˧˥xau̯˨˩˦].
2. If the first word is one syllable, and the second word is two syllables, the second syllable becomes second tone, but the first syllable remains third tone. For example: lǎo bǎoguǎn takes the pronunciation lǎo báoguǎn [lau̯˨˩pau̯˧˥kwan˨˩˦].

Some linguists have put forward more comprehensive systems of sandhi rules for multiple third tone sequences. For example, it is proposed that modifications are applied cyclically, initially within rhythmic feet (trochees; see below), and that sandhi "need not apply between two cyclic branches."

Tones on special syllables

Special rules apply to the tones heard on the words (or morphemes) 不 bù ("not") and 一 yī ("one").

For 不 bù:

1. 不 is pronounced with second tone when followed by a fourth tone syllable.

   Example: 不是 (bù+shì) becomes búshì [pu˧˥ʂɻ̩˥˩]

2. In other cases, 不 is pronounced with fourth tone. However, when used between words in an A-not-A question, it may become neutral in tone (e.g. 是不是 shìbushì).

For 一 yī:

1. 一 is pronounced with second tone when followed by a fourth tone syllable.

   Example: 一定 (yī+dìng) becomes yídìng [i˧˥tiŋ˥˩]

2. Before a first, second or third tone syllable, 一 is pronounced with fourth tone.

   Examples：一天 (yī+tiān) becomes yìtiān [i˥˩tʰjɛn˥], 一年 (yī+nián) becomes yìnián [i˥˩njɛn˧˥], 一起 (yī+qǐ) becomes yìqǐ [i˥˩t͡ɕʰi˨˩˦].

3. When final, or when it comes at the end of a multi-syllable word (regardless of the first tone of the next word), 一 is pronounced with first tone. It also has first tone when used as an ordinal number (or part of one), and when it is immediately followed by any digit (including another 一; hence both syllables of the word 一一 yīyī and its compounds have first tone).
4. When 一 is used between two reduplicated words, it may become neutral in tone (e.g. 看一看 kànyikàn).

The numbers 七 qī ("seven") and 八 bā ("eight") sometimes display similar tonal behavior as 一 yī, but for most modern speakers they are always pronounced with first tone. (All of these numbers, and 不 bù, were historically Ru tones, and as noted above, that tone does not have predictable reflexes in modern Chinese; this may account for the variation in tone on these words.)

Stress, rhythm and intonation

Stress within words (word stress) is not felt strongly by Chinese speakers, although contrastive stress is perceived easily (and functions much the same as in other languages). One of the reasons for the weaker perception of stress in Chinese may be that variations in the fundamental frequency of speech, which in many other languages serve as a cue for stress, are used in Chinese primarily to realize the tones. Nonetheless, there is still a link between stress and pitch – the range of pitch variation (for a given tone) has been observed to be greater on syllables that carry more stress.

As discussed above, weak syllables have neutral tone and are unstressed. Although this property can be contrastive, the contrast is interpreted by some as being primarily one of tone rather than stress. (Some linguists analyze Chinese as lacking word stress entirely.)

Apart from this contrast between full and weak syllables, some linguists have also identified differences in levels of stress among full syllables. In some descriptions, a multi-syllable word or compound is said to have the strongest stress on the final syllable, and the next strongest generally on the first syllable. Others, however, reject this analysis, noting that the apparent final-syllable stress can be ascribed purely to natural lengthening of the final syllable of a phrase, and disappears when a word is pronounced within a sentence rather than in isolation. San Duanmu takes this view, and concludes that it is the first syllable that is most strongly stressed. He also notes a tendency for Chinese to produce trochees – feet consisting of a stressed syllable followed by one (or in this case sometimes more) unstressed syllables. On this view, if the effect of "final-lengthening" is factored out:

• In words (compounds) of two syllables, the first syllable has the main stress, and the second lacks stress.
• In words (compounds) of three syllables, the first syllable is stressed most strongly, the second lacks stress, and the third may lack stress or have secondary stress.
• In words (compounds) of four syllables, the first syllable is stressed most strongly, the second lacks stress, and the third or fourth may lack stress or have secondary stress depending on the syntactic structure of the compound.

The positions described here as lacking stress are the positions in which weak (neutral-tone) syllables may occur, although full syllables frequently occur in these positions also.

This preference for a trochaic metrical structure is also cited as a reason for certain phenomena of word order variation within complex compounds, and for the strong tendency to use disyllabic words rather than monosyllables in certain positions. Many Chinese monosyllables have alternative disyllabic forms with virtually identical meaning – see Chinese grammar § Word formation.

Another function of voice pitch is to carry intonation. Chinese makes frequent use of particles to express certain meanings such as doubt, query, command, etc., reducing the need to use intonation. However, intonation is still present in Chinese (expressing meanings rather similarly as in standard English), although there are varying analyses of how it interacts with the lexical tones. Some linguists describe an additional intonation rise or fall at the end of the last syllable of an utterance, while others have found that the pitch of the entire utterance is raised or lowered according to the desired intonational meaning.

參考資料

Citations

Works cited

• Chao, Yuen Ren. A Grammar of Spoken Chinese 2nd. University of California Press. 1968. ISBN 978-0-520-00219-7. 
• Duanmu, San. The Phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2000. 
• ———. The Phonology of Standard Chinese 2nd. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2007. 
• Lin, Yen-Hwei. The Sounds of Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2007. 
• Ladefoged, Peter; Wu, Zongji. Places of Articulation: An Investigation of Pekingese Fricatives. Journal of Phonetics. 1984, 12: 267–78. 
• ———; Maddieson, Ian. The Sounds of the World's Languages. Oxford: Blackwell. 1996. 
• Lee, Wai-Sum; Zee, Eric. Standard Chinese (Beijing). Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 2003, 33 (1): 109–112. doi:10.1017/S0025100303001208. 
• Norman, Jerry. Chinese. Cambridge University Press. 1988. ISBN 978-0-521-29653-3. 
• Zhu, Xiaonong; Wang, Caiyu. Tone. Wang, William S.-Y.; Sun, Chaofen (编). The Oxford Handbook of Chinese Linguistics. Oxford University Press. 2015: 503–515. ISBN 978-0-19-985633-6. 
• 國立台灣師範大學, 國音教材編輯委員會. 國音學 8th. 正中书局. 2008. ISBN 978-9-570-91808-3. 

外部鏈結

• 维基共享资源上的相關多媒體資源：現代標準漢語音系
• 维基共享资源上的相關多媒體資源：現代標準漢語音系