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(Sardinian.)

Phonological processes

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Lengthening

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  • Consonants are lengthened in the coda of a stressed syllable; cf. /ˈumbra/ [ˈuˑmˑbra].[1]
    • This process turns /p t k/, which are by default [pˑ kˑ], into the full geminates [pp tt kk].[2]
  • After the words e 'and', a 'to', or a 'interrogative particle', the initial consonant of a following word is lengthened.[3][a]

Intervocalic lenition

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  • Singleton stops and fricatives undergo lenition between vowels, even across word-boundaries. The changes are, generally speaking, as follows:[4]
    • /f/ voices to [v].
    • /s/ voices to [z].[b]
    • Latin /b d ɡ/ lenite to zero in Logudorese and Campidanese.
    • Latin /p t k/ voice to /b d ɡ/ in Logudorese and Campidanese.
      • Word-internal Latin /t/ voices to /d/ in southwestern Nuorese.[c]
      • Latin /k/ lenites to [ʔ] or [h] in southernmost Nuorese.[d]
    • /b d ɡ/, from any of the above sources, spirantize to ð ɣ] in all dialects.[e]
  • In Campidanese, word-internal /l/ lenites:[5][f]
    • To [β] or [w] in most of the centre and west.
    • To a variety of outcomes in other areas.[g]

Paragoge

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  • Utterance-final consonants receive an echo vowel; cf. /ˈkɛlɔs/ [ˈkɛːlɔzɔ]. After /n r s/, the vowel may be weakly articulated and often inaudible.[6]

Assimilation

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Assimilation, generally regressive, is common among Sardinian consonants.

General
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  • /nd/ [ɳɖ] assimilates to [ɳɳ] in some varieties, particularly northeastern Nuorese.[h]
Word-final
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  • /-t/ assimilates to a following consonant; cf. ⟨cheret bènnere⟩ [ˈkɛːɾɛbˈbɛnnɛɾɛ].[7]
  • In Nuorese, final /r/ and /s/ both:[8]
    • Assimilate to a following /l n/ and, variably, /f/.
    • Yield [s] before /p t k s θ/.
    • Yield [r] in all other cases.
  • In Logudorese, /-s/:[9]
    • Remains unchanged before /p t k s/.
    • Generally yields [r] in all other cases.
  • In Campidanese, /-s/:[10]
    • Voices to [z] before /m b/.
    • Reduces to zero before /b d ɡ/.[i]
    • Remains unchanged before /p t k s/.

Historical changes

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  • After /p t k/, Latin /l/:[11]
    • Turned to /r/ in most of Sardinia.
    • Remained /l/ in the town of Baunei.
    • Palatalized to /j/ in northern Logudorese.[j]
      • When /kj/ resulted from this, it either depalatalized to /k/ or affricated to /t͡ʃ/ or /d͡ʒ/.
  • Proto-Romance prosthetic [ɪ-][k] became a fixed (invariable) /i/ in Sardinian.[12]
    • It has since been lost in most of Campidanese.[13]
  • In Campidanese, Latin /k ɡ/ palatalized and affricated before front vowels, yielding /t͡ʃ d͡ʒ/.[14]
  • Latin /kw ɡw/ have merged to /b(b)/ in Logudorese and Nuorese, while remaining unchanged in Campidanese.[15][l]

Notes

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  1. ^ This is due to all three words' originally having had a final plosive in Latin (et, ad, aut) which tended to assimilate to the initial consonant of a following word.
  2. ^ It does not voice in the towns of Dorgali, Orune, Fonni, or Ovodda; and it does so variably in Urzulei (Contini 1987: map 51).
  3. ^ This occurs south and west of a line running approximately from Orune to Dorgali (Contini 1987: map 11).
  4. ^ [ʔ] south of a line running approximately from Olzai to Oliena, [h] in Dorgali (Contini 1987: maps 24–26).
  5. ^ In Nuorese, [v] is a common alternative to [β].
  6. ^ Traditionally, word-initial /l/ also lenited between vowels, but this is becoming increasingly rare. Today its predominant realization is [ɭɭ], which is even beginning to spread to word-internal position; cf. [sɔβi~sɔɭɭi] 'sun' (Frigeni 2005: 22).
  7. ^
    • To [ʁ] in the most of the east and Sulcis.
    • To [ʔ] in Sarrabus and parts of the east.
    • To [ɡʷ] in the town of Gesturi.
    • To [ʟ] in traditional lower-class speech in Cagliari.
  8. ^ Per Contini (1987: map 37), consistent assimilation is observed in the towns of Orune, Bitti, Santu Lussurgiu, Desulo, Tonara, Belvì, and Aritzo; while variable assimilation is observed in Onanì, Lula, Lodè, Loculi, Galtellì, Burgos, Esporlatu, Bonorva, Bonannaro, Borutta, and Monti.
  9. ^ Sometimes this triggers gemination, resulting in [bb dd ɡɡ].
  10. ^ North of a line running approximately from Bosa to Budoni. The change is comparable, and probably due, to a similar one in Italian.
  11. ^ Which had been added, allophonically, before word-initial /sp st sk/ in order to split the clusters; cf. /ˈspina/ > *[ɪs.ˈpiː.na]. Originally this was not done if the cluster was already preceded by a vowel; cf. /una ˈspina/ > *[u.nas.ˈpiː.na]. Later, [ɪ-] became an integral part of such words, present in any context, hence phonemic.
  12. ^ The resulting /b(b)/ never undergoes lenition in intervocalic position.

References

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  1. ^ Mura & Virdis 2015: 30, 65
  2. ^ Mura & Virdis 2015: 14, 75
  3. ^ Mensching & Remberger 2016: 276
  4. ^ Jones 1997: 377
  5. ^ Frigeni 2005: 21
  6. ^ Mura & Virdis: 47–48
  7. ^ Jones 1997: 378
  8. ^ Pittau 1972: §35
  9. ^ Mura & Virdis 2015: 129
  10. ^ Frigeni 2009: 6
  11. ^ Contini 1987: maps 6, 28–31, 49.
  12. ^ Rodney 2010: 96
  13. ^ Contini 1987: map 52
  14. ^ Jones 1997: 377
  15. ^ Jones 1997: 377

Bibliography

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  • Frigeni, Chiara. 2005. The development of liquids from Latin to Campidanese Sardinian: The role of contrast and structural similarity. Tortonto working Papers in Linguistics 24. 15–30.
  • Frigeni, Chiara. 2009. Sonorant relationships in two varieties of Sardinian. University of Toronto: doctoral dissertation.
  • Jones, Michael A. 1997. Sardinia. In Maiden, Martin; Mair, Parry, (eds.), The dialects of Italy, 376–384. London: Routledge.
  • Lorinczi, Marinella. 1996. Sociolinguistica della ricerca linguistica: Punti vista divergenti sulle consonanti scempie e geminate nell'italiano di Sardegna. In Actas do XIX congreso internacional de lingüística e filoloxía románicas 8. 311–334.
  • Sampson, Rodney. 2010. Vowel prosthesis in Romance: A diachronic study. Oxford University Press.
  • Sampson, Rodney. 2016. Sandhi phenomena. In Ledgeway, Adam; Maiden, Martin (eds.), The Oxford Guide to the Romance Languages, 669–680. Oxford University Press.