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草稿:納沙貢

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納沙貢印尼語NASAKOM,全稱為Nasionalisme, Agama, dan Komunisme)代表民族主義、宗教主義和共產主義,是印度尼西亞總統蘇卡諾創造的政治概念。自1959年指導民主英語Guided Democracy in Indonesia至1966年新秩序時代,這個概念在印度尼西亞盛行,是蘇卡諾統一各種政治意識形態的嘗試。[1][2][3][4] 蘇卡諾創造納沙貢的概念,企圖統合當時在印尼政壇最有威望的民族、宗教和共產團體。

發展

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蘇卡諾總統——納沙貢概念的提出者

Since the beginning of the struggle for Indonesian independence, there were three political movements that coloured the various movement organisations of the time. For example Indische Party英語Indische Party and Sarekat Indies which were "nationalist", Sarekat Islam which had an Islamic ideology, and ISDV/PKI which had a Marxist ideology. The idea of Nasakom had actually been thought of by Sukarno since 1927, long before Indonesia's independence. Sukarno wrote a series of articles entitled "Nationalism, Islam and Marxism" in the magazine Soeloeh Indonesia Moeda,[5][6] a published publication of the "Algemeene Studieclub", the club Sukarno and his associates had founded in Bandung, inspired by a similar organization founded by Soetomo in Surabaya. The understanding of communism here was something more akin to socialism. The basis for this idea is the principle of social justice, which is also the basis of Karl Marx's political thought.[7] Sukarno's political philosophy at the time was essentially a fusion of elements of Marxism, Indonesian nationalism英語Indonesian nationalism, and Islam.[8] This was reflected in his proposed version of Pancasila to the BPUPK英語Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence in his speech on 1 June 1945.[9][8] In the article, Sukarno stressed the importance of a national unity of nationalists, Islamists, Marxists in an uncompromising (non-cooperative) resistance to the Dutch.[10]

According to Sukarno:

"Nationalism, Islam, and Marxism, these are the principles that the people's movements throughout Asia have adhered to. These are the ideas that have become the spirit of the movements in Asia. They are also the spirit of the movements in Indonesia - our country."

——Sukarno,[10]

By 1956, Sukarno conveyed this idea. He publicly criticised the Parliamentary Democracy system英語Liberal democracy period in Indonesia, which he considered unsuitable for implementation in Indonesia. According to Sukarno, Parliamentary Democracy protects the capitalist system, and because the parliament is controlled by the bourgeoisie, this system cannot prosper the people.[11] In addition, Sukarno also considered that Parliamentary Democracy could endanger the government, stating that it was "based upon inherent conflict" which ran counter to Indonesian notions of harmony as being the natural state of human relationships. Instead, he sought a system based on the traditional village system of discussion and consensus (Gotong-Royong),[12] under the guidance of village elders. Therefore, in February 1956, Sukarno proposed a new concept called Nasakom based on three main pillars. The three pillars were Nationalism, Religion, and Communism.[13][12] These three pillars were intended to appease the three main factions in Indonesian politics—the army英語Indonesian Army, Islamic groups, and the communists—and serves as the basis of his government,[14] while Pancasila being the national philosophy of the nation. He did not intend for the concept of Nasakom to replace Pancasila, as Sukarno worded Nasakom more as an operational concept and interpretation, rather than that of an ideological concept.[6] With the support of the military, in February he proclaimed 'Guided Democracy英語Guided Democracy in Indonesia', and proposed a cabinet that would represent all the political parties of importance (including the PKI).[15] Though accordingly, Sukarno displayed greater sympathies to the communists and started admitting more communists into his government, while developing a strong relationship with the PKI chairman Dipa Nusantara Aidit.

Implementation of Nasakom

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Proclamation of the Resopim Doctrine

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President Sukarno introduced the teachings of Revolution, Indonesian Socialism, and National Leadership (Resopim). The aim of this doctrine was to strengthen President Sukarno's position in the government. The Resopim doctrine was announced on 17 August 1961, the 16th anniversary of the Proclamation of Independence of the Republic of Indonesia. The essence of this teaching was that all elements of the life of the nation and state must be achieved through revolution, imbued with socialism, and controlled by one national figurehead styled the 'Commander-in-Chief of the Revolution' (PBR), namely President Sukarno. Officially, the aim of the Resopim doctrine was to "mobilise all state and national life to achieve national self-reliance" and to "resist new-style colonialism". In reality, the doctrine was used to consolidate Sukarno's grip on Indonesia's government as the doctrine places Sukarno as the highest and most important form of government body in Indonesia.[16]

The impact of the Resopim's socialisation was that the position of the state's highest and most senior state institutions can only be established and only be appointed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Revolution.[17] This can be seen from the granting of the rank of minister to the leader of the institution. Whereas the position of the minister is seen as an assistant to the president.[17]

Changes in politics

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After Nasakom was formed, Sukarno increasingly campaigned for his Nasakom concept. Sukarno united three political forces in order to strengthen his position. The three political parties that became the main factions in Indonesian politics at that time were:

  1. The nationalist Indonesian National Party (PNI).
  2. The religious Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)
  3. The communist Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

Nasakom then grew the PKI in Indonesia and defeated the other parties. Sukarno gradually moved closer to the PKI and the Indonesian Air Force in an attempt to strengthen his position in competition with Nasakom. In March 1960, Sukarno dissolved Parliament after it rejected the budget.[18] In June, the Mutual Cooperation – People's Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Gotong Royong, DPR-GR) and the Provisional People's Representative Council英語Provisional People's Representative Council (MPRS) were established, with the armed services and police represented as functional groups, and PKI chairman D.N. Aidit as deputy chairman. The PKI is estimated to have occupied 1725% of the seats in the DPR-GR and is now represented in all state bodies except the Cabinet.[19]:256 Despite the fears and warnings from regional military commanders of Pro-PKI measures, Sukarno repeatedly defended it.

Sukarno even campaigned for the Nasakom concept to international forums. He offered the principle of Pancasila's tolerance for world peace, which at that time was divided between the Western bloc and the Eastern bloc.[7] In the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) on 30 September 1960 in New York, Sukarno delivered a speech entitled "To Build the World a New".[20] Through this speech, Sukarno conveyed the Nasakom concept that he made.[7]

Manipol/USDEK

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A Poster for Manipol/USDEK socialisation material, 1961

In an attempt to unify the polarization of politics in Indonesia,[21][22] Sukarno created a manifesto, Manipol/USDEK, that was mandated to be taught in schools during the Guided Democracy Era英語Guided Democracy in Indonesia. Manipol/USDEK is an acronym for Political Manifesto/1945 Constitution, Indonesian Socialism, Guided Democracy, Guided Economy, and Indonesian Personality (Indonesian: Manifesto Politik/Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, Sosialisme Indonesia, Demokrasi Terpimpin, Ekonomi Terpimpin, dan Kepribadian Indonesia).[23] Manipol/USDEK was intended to serve as the foundation of the government and used as an effort against the forces of neocolonialists, colonialists, and imperialists (or Nekolim印度尼西亞語Nekolim for short.) Which the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly made it mandatory to memorise and discuss Nasakom and Manipol/USDEK into the State Policy Guidelines, so that they must be upheld, nurtured, and implemented by all Indonesians. The book consists of President Sukarno's speech titled "Rediscovery of Our Revolution," read on the 14th Independence Day of the Republic of Indonesia英語Independence Day (Indonesia) on 17 August 1959.

According to Sukarno, A book on Manipol/USDEK likens the Pancasila and the Political Manifesto/USDEK to the Quran and authentic Hadith, which are one in the same, so the Pancasila and the Political Manifesto/USDEK are also "one and the same".[24][25] All newspapers, the only radio station (RRI英語Radio Republik Indonesia, government-run), and the only television station (TVRI, also government-run) were made into "tools of the revolution" and functioned to spread Sukarno's messages.[26] At the time, banners proclaiming glory to Nasakom were abundant and decorated through out Jakarta's streets. In one incident where "Kom" was struck out, Sukarno vehemently declared on RRI, "Whoever is mischievously removing the word 'Kom,' bring them before me, let me give them a thrashing!"[27]

CONEFO

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CONEFO commemorative stamp

After Indonesia left the United Nations, Sukarno established a new bloc of "emerging nations" that would serve as an alternative power center to the United Nations. Sukarno at the time regarded CONEFO英語CONEFO as a form of a Nasakom International,[12]:30 as the CONEFO conference is seen as a platform to bring together all progressive forces, whether from nationalist, religious, communist, or other anti-imperialist groups.[28][29]

In a speech commemorating the anniversary of the Communist Party of Indonesia and later speeches, Sukarno highlighted the establishment of the CONEFO organization as one of the political advantages stemming from Nasakom. Sukarno then called for unity and collaboration among all segments of Indonesian society to support the construction and success of CONEFO, portraying it as a significant step towards realizing the ideals of Nasakom on an international scale. Emphasizing that the success of CONEFO would demonstrate the greatness and advantages of Nasakom, Sukarno asserted that Nasakom must serve as an exemplar for Asian nations dedicated to the continued fight against imperialism.[28][12]:30 The Department of Information英語Ministry of Communications and Informatics later emphasized that CONEFO, as a means and tool of struggle, must be fought for as there are still one or two countries in Asia-Africa that do not fully comprehend the essence of Nasakom and that CONEFO serves as a vehicle to dismantle imperialism.[29]

Failure of Nasakom

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Sukarno was very keen to expand his Nasakom idea. However, no matter how hard he defended his Nasakom concept, this idea eventually ran aground.[30] Indonesia's political situation became uncertain after six generals were assassinated in what is known as the 30 September Movement (G30S) in 1965.[31][32] Then the masses from KAMI (Indonesian Student Action Union) and KAPI (Indonesian Student Action Union) held demonstrations and delivered the Tri Tuntutan Rakyat印度尼西亞語Tri_Tuntutan_Rakyat (Tritura), one of which requested that the PKI be dissolved.[32] Holding onto what's left of his power after the attempted coup, Sukarno refused to dissolve the PKI because it contradicted the Nasakom view.[33][32] Sukarno's refusal to disband the PKI then weakened his position in politics,[33][31] eventually leading to the signing of supersemar英語supersemar. Even when his influence began to fade, in the All-Indonesia Panca Tunggal Session at the State Palace英語Istana Negara (Jakarta), Jakarta, on 23 October 1965, Sukarno reiterated the importance of Nasakom.[15][34]

" 'Ik ben nasionalist, ik ben islamiet, socialist. Tiga in one. Three in one, Sukarno.' The next time I was here, in front of the Merdeka Palace, I said: 'I am the feeling of Nasakom.' "

——Sukarno,[35]

The end of Nasakom was caused by the decline of the PKI's prestige due to the 30 September Movement. In addition, the end of Nasakom was also caused by the transition of power from the Old Order to the New Order, where Indonesia's new leader, Suharto, was strongly anti-communist. Thus, the idea of Nasakom came to an end.[15][13]

參考資料

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  1. ^ Echols, John M.; Shadily, Hassan, Kamus Indonesia Inggris: An Indonesian-English Dictionary 3, Jakarta: PT Gramedia, 1989, ISBN 979-403-756-7 
  2. ^ Friend, T. Indonesian Destinies. Harvard University Press. 2003: 25, 82–83. ISBN 0-674-01137-6. 
  3. ^ Ricklefs, M. C. A History of Modern Indonesia since c. 1300 2nd. MacMillan. 1991: 268. ISBN 0-333-57689-6. LCCN 94102636. OCLC 30320024. OL 1135607M.  alternate version at Google Books with preview
  4. ^ Vickers, Adrian. A History of Modern Indonesia. Cambridge University Press. 2005: 146. ISBN 0-521-54262-6. 
  5. ^ Crawford, Oliver. Translating and Transliterating Marxism in Indonesia. Modern Asian Studies. 20 July 2020, 55 (3): 697–733. ISSN 0026-749X. doi:10.1017/S0026749X20000104可免費查閱 (英語). 
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  9. ^ Samosir, Hairul Amren. Pancasila. Jl. Cempaka No 25 Padang Sidempuan 22725: PT Inovasi Pratama Internasional. March 2023: 4. ISBN 978-623-8160-09-9. 
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  11. ^ Suleman, Zulfikri. Demokrasi untuk Indonesia: pemikiran politik Bung Hatta. Penerbit Buku Kompas. 2010. ISBN 978-979-709-484-3 (印度尼西亞語). 
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 Sukarno. Durhaeni, Luthfi , 編. Nasakom adalah benar, amanat-indoktrinasi P.J.M. Presiden Sukarno pada pembukaan kursus kilat kader Nasakom. Istora Bung Karno Senajan Djakarta: Dakarta Dewi Niaga. 1 June 1965 (印度尼西亞語). 
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  14. ^ Pertjajalah pada benarnya Nasakom!; Amanat indoktrinasi Presiden Soekarno pada pembukaan kursus kilat kader Nasakom.. Djakarta: Pertjetakan Negara R.I. 1965 (印度尼西亞語). 
  15. ^ 15.0 15.1 15.2 Adryamarthanino, Verelladevanka; Nada Nailufar, Nibras. Nasakom, Konsep Kesatuan Politik ala Soekarno Halaman all. KOMPAS.com. 2021-09-28 [2023-09-26] (印度尼西亞語). 
  16. ^ Media, Kompas Cyber. Politik Demokrasi Terpimpin: Peta Kekuatan Politik Nasional Halaman all. KOMPAS.com. 2022-11-11 [2024-01-02] (印度尼西亞語). 
  17. ^ 17.0 17.1 Penetapan Presiden Republik Indonesia Nomor 5 Tahun 1963 Tentang Kegiatan Politik Presiden Republik Indonesia (PDF). National Legal Development Agency. 1963. 
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  23. ^ Printono. Manipol/Usdek. Dua-R. 1960: 78. 
  24. ^ Soekarno. Djuhartono, Kangseng Gan , 編. Wedjangan revolusi, karya Bung Karno. Sebuah kamus ilmu perdjuangan untuk rakjat, disusun menurut alfabet oleh sebuah team perangkai: Djuhartono [dan] Gan Kangseng. Jajasan Penjebar Pantja-Sila. 1965: 307. 
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  26. ^ Witton, Patrick. Indonesia 7. Melbourne: Lonely Planet Publ. 2003. ISBN 978-1-74059-154-6. 
  27. ^ Hendi, Johari. Jenderal Yani Menolak Nasakomisasi. Historia - Majalah Sejarah Populer Pertama di Indonesia. 2020-10-13 [2024-03-04] (id-ID). 
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  30. ^ Mu'alimin, Muhammad; Alum, Reko. Cinta Buya Ismail kepada HMI. www.law-justice.co. Law & Justice. 6 February 2018 [5 July 2019]. 
  31. ^ 31.0 31.1 Brown, Colin. Sukarno. Microsoft ® Student 2008 [DVD]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation. 2007. 
  32. ^ 32.0 32.1 32.2 Aji, Achmad Wisnu. Kudeta Supersemar: Penyerahan atau Perampasan Kekuasaan?. Garasi House of Book. 2010. ISBN 978-979-25-4689-7.  Halaman 36, 145.
  33. ^ 33.0 33.1 Warman, Asvi. Membongkar Manipulasi Sejarah. Jakarta: Kompas Media Nusantara. 2009. ISBN 978-979-709-404-1. 
  34. ^ Wibisono, Nuran. Sejarah Nasakom: Upaya Sukarno Menyatukan Tiga Kekuatan Politik. tirto.id. [2023-10-10] (印度尼西亞語). 
  35. ^ Sukarno. Binalah Kesatuan dan Persatuan Nasional Progresif Revolusioner Atas Dasar Pantja Azimat Revolusi. Warta perdagangan 18 Tri Dasawarsa. Djakarta: Departemen Perdagangan Dalam Negeri. 1965: 9 (印度尼西亞語).  已忽略未知參數|orig-date= (幫助)